Author: The Editors
Year of publication: 2005
Source: Show
Pages: 3-6
DOI Address: -
PDF: ap/8/ap08toc.pdf

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SPIS TREŚCI

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Author: Redakcja
Year of publication: 2005
Source: Show
Pages: 7-8
DOI Address: -
PDF: ap/8/ap0800.pdf

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Author: Jan Rowiński
Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
Author: Justyna Szczudlik
Institution: Pekiński Uniwersytet Języka i Kultury
Year of publication: 2005
Source: Show
Pages: 9-42
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ap200501
PDF: ap/8/ap0801.pdf

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FROM THE HISTORY OF POLISH-CHINESE RELATIONS (UNTIL 1945)

The aim of this article is to outline Chinese – Polish relations from their beginnings to the end of World War II. The sketch is perfunctory because official diplomatic relations between Poland and China were only established in the late 1920s. Geographical distance and Chinese international policy based on tributary diplomacy and Chinese autarky were primary reasons for rare mutual contact. Until the 20th century, Chinese – Polish relations was the one-way phenomenon. There are many trails of Polish travelers in China but there is little proof of Chinese in the Polish Kingdom.
It is possible to divide Polish travelers in China and Chinese – Polish relations into the following periods:

  1. 13th–17th century – Polish missionaries in China. The most important representative of this period is Michal Boym – a Jesuit missionary, scientist and diplomat. Edward Kajdanski – Boym`s biographer – emphasizes his scientific achievements and names him the first Polish Sinologist.
  2. 17th – 19th century – Polish travelers to China, Polish refugees from Russian slavery, scientists and diplomats.
  3. The turn of 19th century – Polish colony in Manchuria. The history of Harbin (at present the capital of Helongjiang province), its foundation and development are closely connected with Polish engineers – builders of the Russian East – Chinese Railway. It is estimated that within 50 years of the railway workers` arrival, 10–20 thousand Poles were living in Manchuria. After Poland regained independence in 1918, as a result of repatriation actions, the Polish population in Manchuria gradually decreased. The last representative of the Polish colony left Harbin in 1963.

The other subject is diplomatic relations between Poland and Republic of China 1918–1945. Official relations were established in 1933. The complicated international situation during World War II, mainly Polish – Japanese contact, had an adverse impact on Polish–Chinese relations. 5th July 1945 Chinese authority withdrew his recognition for Polish government in exile and established diplomatic relations with Polish government in Warsaw.

Author: Josef Kolmaš
Institution: Uniwersytet w Brnie
Year of publication: 2005
Source: Show
Pages: 43-51
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ap200502
PDF: ap/8/ap0802.pdf

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ACCOMMODATION – THE PREDECESSOR OF AGGIORNAMENTO? (THE EXAMPLE OF CATHOLIC MISSIONS IN CHINA IN 16TH AND 17TH CENTURY)

A chapter from the famous Rites Controversy of the 17th and 18th centuries, by which the whole missionary body in China was divided. The author argues that the Riccian approach, i. e. the practice of accomodation to domestic religios traditions and practices – as regards the use of the term Tianzhu for designating the true God; ancestor worship; and honours paid to Confucius – represented a sort of the contemporary aggiornamento movement accepted and followed by Jesuits.
The origins of the Jesuit accommodation practice in Malabar, India (Roberto de Nobili, 1577–1656); its introduction to China (Matteo Ricci, 1552–1610); its final condemnation by the Papal Constitutions of Clemens XI in 1715 (Ex illa die) and Benedict XIV in 1742 (Ex quo singulari) leading to temporary destruction of the whole Catholic missionary work in China.
The case of the so-called “Red Manifesto” (Hong piao) letter of Emperor Kangxi of 31st October 1716 and its destiny in Europe.

Author: Małgorzata Pietrasiak
Institution: Uniwersytet Łódzki
Year of publication: 2005
Source: Show
Pages: 52-63
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ap200503
PDF: ap/8/ap0803.pdf

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THE EDUCATIONAL REFORMS IN VIETNAM. SOME CONDITIONS.

Right in October 1945, The Vietnamese Government established the Council of Educational Advisors which was given the task of preparing for educational reform. In July 1950 the project on educational reform was adopted. The educational system served the resistant war. The second educational reform was drawn up in 1979, after the national reunification, and launched in 1981. In the early 1980s, the education sector was bogged down in the aftermath of the post-war economic recession and ideological mistakes. Vietnam’s education sector needed to step up its renovation just as the national economy. In 1986 the process of doi moi (renovation) started. Nowadays the structure of the national education system is characterized by diversity. Vietnam’s Educational Law was officially passed in December 1998 and came into force in August 1999. It has 9 chapters with 110 articles. The Education Law stipulates the education system, its goals, curricula and teaching methods, investments in education and education management. The quality of education has been remarkably improved. However, the appropriate model of education has not been achieved still, professional qualifications of teachers must be improved and high level of technical training is only declared.

Author: Katarzyna Pawlak
Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
Year of publication: 2005
Source: Show
Pages: 64-89
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ap200504
PDF: ap/8/ap0804.pdf

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THE VALUES SYSTEM IN TAIWAN. WHAT ABOUT „TRADITION”? WHAT ABOUT „MODERNITY”?

This article is a report of a survey carried out during spring 2005 among student of two of the Taipei’s Universities. The survey was based on the questionnaire elaborated by David I. Hitchcock. At the same time, due to particular features of the discourse which founds Hitchcock analysis, article begins with an attempt of a reflection concerning so called Asian values and modernization process in the Taiwanese milieu. Modernity in Taiwan is revealed not as an opposition to so called „tradition” but as sometimes having a potential to preserve activity patterns and ideas from the past. The definition of „tradition” itself is developed not only as a „past conditions” but also is shown as a product of Taiwanese modernity.
Thos way of thinking about these ideas above, facilitates adaptation of the multiple modernities approach as an organizing perspective of survey analysis. Multiple modernities perspective stresses particularity and relative mutual independence between modernization and so called westernization processes. At the end author also tries to analyze the differences between the surveys carried out in Taiwan and in Vietnam.

Author: Marta Lipska
Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
Year of publication: 2005
Source: Show
Pages: 90-103
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ap200505
PDF: ap/8/ap0805.pdf

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THE JAPANESE WAY OF NEGOTIATIONS

The author discusses the issue of the negotiations, which are one of the most important methods of building a good rapport and understanding. A basic factor in a negotiating process is communicating with each other. In the article, communication is defined as the conversation involving different types of messages. This article focuses on highlighting the notion of “cultural provenience” and its role in determining negotiator’s mentality and behaviour.
The purpose of the article is to make some aspects of the Japanese negotiating style known to and better understood by people, particularly from another culture, like us, Europeans. Needless to say, such factors as globalisation of world markets and growing intensity of international relations enable as well as force us to contact, communicate and negotiate with partners from all over the world.
The article is concerned with emphasising the importance of knowing each other. Such a knowledge shall boost efforts in creating a better atmosphere for conversation.
For a Japanese, the most important notion is an affiliation, understood as such a contact with a partner that consolidates this relation. It is the special care of this „friendship” that is very important, even if it obliges the party involved to make some changes in a previous statement or contract. The Japanese culture, also referred to as „the culture of different points of view’’ was analysed with regard to the most crucial specifics pertaining to negotiation styles. Japanese reckon that all issues could be estimated and evaluated from a few points of view. The changeable perspective makes reality more transparent and understandable.
The Japanese vision of reality demonstrates a lot of aspects. Each member of a group has their own point of view and sees another perspective of an issue. There is always another point of view, which has to be taken into consideration. It stresses also a need of understanding the fact that in all cultures there exist a different use of time which is necessary to reach the aim and strike a balance. Japanese usually negotiate more slowly than other nations. They prefer to have more time for responding.
The Japanese do not like taking a risk, which is connected with their requests for information and complicated decision-taking procedure. Therefore, the process of negotiations can be longer. Japanese negotiators do not show their emotions openly, impatience or frustration in particular. They prefer to negotiate in groups the members of which have to accept one statement and all decisions. The article also enumerates the key factors, which are decisive for successful negotiations. We should remember that a way we are treated depends on our behaviour and respect towards others.

Author: Catherine Earl
Author: Adam Fforde
Institution: School of Development, Melbourne
Year of publication: 2005
Source: Show
Pages: 104-125
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ap200506
PDF: ap/8/ap0806.pdf

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SPICE IS NICE. AUSTRALIA AND ASIA – CHANGING ATTITUDES CHANGING PRACTICES

Over the past generation Australia has increasingly self-identified as ‘multicultural’, and Asian Australians presented as natural parts of the Australian community. This contrasts sharply with Australia’s overtly racist past, where migration policy excluded Asians, and Indigenous Australians were excluded from the rights and benefits accorded the white population. We argue that understanding of how this took place usefully draws upon examination of the ways, in which ‘Britain’ was constructed from groups defined in reductionist ways, viewed as different ethnic groups (‘Welsh’, ‘English’, Scots’, ‘Irish’), with similar aspects of inclusion and exclusion: most importantly, a relatively successful ‘project’ of constructed ‘self- -identification’, somewhat different from others. This can be seen as a ‘unity within diversity’. This then leads to conclusions that stress the importance of assessing constructs of ‘unity’ with care, since they are constructs; and to recognizing that the definitions that address the construed sub-groups (‘minorities’, ‘Indigenous Australians’) of that diversity as reductionist and also constructs. In policy terms, this suggests that there is much to learn from Australian experiences in negotiating, defining and enjoying ‘diversity’, referred to in Australia as ‘multiculturalism’. Central to these are the relative strength and coherence of Australian state activities, with a range of meaningful and publicly supported interventions to address the issues arising from new immigrant groups of different characteristics.

Author: Krzysztof Grzybowski
Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
Year of publication: 2005
Source: Show
Pages: 126-142
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ap200507
PDF: ap/8/ap0807.pdf

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THE PHILIPPINES – AN OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE OLDEST DEMOCRACY IN ASIA

Formally, Republic of Philippines is the oldest democracy in East Asia. Democratic institutions were introduced here at the very beginning of XX century by Americans. Years earlier, the Filipinos themselves had created a constitution, modelled on French (1898–1899), with supreme legislature, divided powers, liberties for citizens and with church separated from the state. The so-called Malolos Constitution was in effect briefly as American colonial powers imported its own constitutional democracy. Even if process of rooting of western type democratic institutions had back clashed with traditional and conservative socio-political structure, for many years, Philippines were branded “the showcase of democracy in Asia”. The presidency of Ferdinand Marcos (1965–1986) had hampered the process and had practically turned the country back from its path.
Philippines needed a revolution, the People Power movement of masses, to overthrow autocratic rules in bloodless street protests in 1986. The re-democratization of country’s political system initiated by president Corazon Aquino – and followed by her successors – was in fact a restoration of old institutions, legitimizing and conserving the ancient status quo; not many significant changes to its socio- economic and political base has been made.
Today, the long history of democratic constitutional development in the Philippines is entering into a new phase. American style presidential system is being increasingly contested in favor of parliamentary one. Recently the idea of change has gained support from president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo – thus making it more feasible – but question stays, whether possible introduction of parliamentary system would be able to address Philippines social and economic problems in more effective ways.

Author: Aleksandra Zamaraeva
Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
Year of publication: 2005
Source: Show
Pages: 143-160
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ap200508
PDF: ap/8/ap0808.pdf

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CHINESE INTERESTS IN CENTRAL ASIAn

The article presents the evolutionary character of China policy in regards Central Asia. This state has had its interests in the region for a long time. However, during the existence of Soviet Union, implementation of those interests was impossible. After the situation dramatically changed in 1991, the new possibilities of activity in Central Asia occurred before China.
In the initial period, Beijing was afraid of possible reaction of Russian Federation authorities towards its own policy in the region continually seen as Russian backyard. That’s why in the beginning of 90’s efforts of Chinese diplomacy concentrated on solving crucial problem of determining borders with fledgling Central Asian countries. As a result of multilateral meetings with three neighboring Central Asian countries and Russia, China signed series of agreements, which were named “Shanghai Agreement”. This agreement became the base of creating consultation forum of „Shanghai Five”, where were discussed not only issues connected with borders but also security, trade and political matters. Beijing wanted the meetings of „Shanghai Five” to become more formal, broaden its activities and to rope in more Central Asian states. The new organization, named Shanghai Cooperation Organization, also joined by Uzbekistan, began its activity in 2001.
Nowadays, economical cooperation with Central Asian region became a strategic one, mainly because of increasing demands of China for energy resources and welfare of neighboring with Central Asian states Xinjiang province.
Important, in Chinese point of view, is the issue of joint countermeasurement against growing terrorist threat, separatism and religious extremism. Political interests of Beijing in Central Asia are also becoming more visible. The aim is not to let the hostile force to emerge in the region. Chinese authorities also want to gain Central Asian states for it’s own multipolar security system, defying it to americanocentric ideas of hegemony represented by USA. SCO forum is often used as an arena of convincing Central Asian states to China’s raison d’etat.
Chinese influences in the region are still growing. Taking into account attention that Beijing pays to its “Go West” campaign, it’s possible to state that this process will proceed.

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