- Year of publication: 2006
- Source: Show
- Pages: 3-6
- DOI Address: -
CHINA AND THE SECURITY POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION
The article seeks to present the EU policy towards China. In view of complexity of this topic, author focuses only on the one dimension, i. e. on security issues.
The article falls into four main parts:
The fourth part of the article deals with WMD proliferation, embargo on arms sales, conflict in Taiwan Strait, participation of Chinese forces in peacekeeping missions, regional security system in East Asia and technological cooperation.
The conclusion highlights the main purposes of the EU in its China policy. According to the author the EU tries to engage China further in the process of solving global issues, and supports China transition into a responsible and trustworthy partner on the world stage.
FRANCE’S POLICY TOWARDS CHINA AFTER 1989
France was the first Western power to establish full diplomatic relations with the communist China after 1949. In the early 90s however, the French human rights rhetoric after the Tiananmen massacre and notably the selling of arms to Taiwan provoked a crisis in the „historical alliance” between Paris and Beijing. In order to improve economic relations the new Gaullist government and president Chirac de facto abandoned the general de Gaulle’s „doctrine of two Chinas”. Paris stopped condemning China’s violations of human rights and suggested its EU partners to lift the embargo on arms sales to China. Despite the reconciliatory gestures and the intensification of political contacts after 1997, in terms of commercial relations with China, France is still behind the other Western countries. Moreover, the Sino–French trade relations remain dominated by the grands contrats, as a result of the lack of cooperation between the French middle-sized companies, their relatively late arrival into the Chinese market and their weak adaptation to alien culture surroundings. Nevertheless, China remains the biggest commercial partner of France in Asia. The dynamism of cultural exchanges as well as the growing interest in the French language in China indicate that the intensification of political, cultural and economic dialogue is likely to continue.
GERMAN-CHINESE RELATIONS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY
Although the People’s Republic of China and the Federal Republic of Germany were both established in 1949, no diplomatic ties between them were instituted until 1972. Since then, however, German–Chinese relations have made significant progress in all fields. For instance, Germany has been China’s leading trade partner in Europe while China has become Germany’s largest economic partner in Asia ahead of Japan.
The Berlin’s position on China is outlined in the document „The tasks of German foreign policy: East Asia at the beginning of the 21st century”, released in May 2002. It states that German policy towards the region and China focuses on the promotion of democracy and human rights, ensuring peace and stability through confidence building measures, protection for Germany’s economic interests, provision of development aid and cooperation in the fields of the education, culture and environmentally friendly technologies.
Representatives of both countries visit each other frequently. In November 2005 China’s President Hu Jintao paid a visit to Germany during which he met with German leaders (president Koehler, chancellor Merkel, former chancellor Schroeder). Both sides consider development of bilateral relations important.
Human rights violations in China remain one of the most controversial issues in the Chinese relations with Western countries. For Beijing, critical remarks in this subject are unjustified and an interference in China’s domestic matters. However, Germany’s attitude towards China is often described as pragmatic. Therefore, we can expect that the bilateral relations in the predictable future will expand.W
CHINA’S EMERGING GRAND STRATEGY: DOMINATING EAST ASIA WITHOUT FIGHTING
Since late 2002, Beijing has implemented an increasingly integrated new grand strategy. It incorporates domestic policy, foreign policy, and cross-strait policy in way of synergy to augment their combined benefits. With it, Beijing has achieved some noteworthy success in foreign affairs, despite daunting domestic dilemmas China is facing. As the country grows into a status quo power, Beijing has begun to encounter untried challenges. One of Beijing’s aspirations under this emerging national security framework, albeit officially unsaid, is to dominate East Asia and nudge out the hitherto leading US influence without a war, but instead with mainly economy and culture. China’s rapidly modernizing military capabilities, which Beijing wished to have fully prepared but preferably not used in actual combat, are intended to strengthen the effects of Beijing’s extra-military instruments.
The article answers the following questions: How has the grand strategy developed? What does it contain? What assumptions is it based on? What characterizes its approaches? How has it manifested in PRC–US/Japan/Taiwan relations? What challenges has it encountered?
The article ends with the table of Beijing’s post–Anti-Secession Law cross-Strait soft offensives.
THE IMAGE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN CHINESE PRESS
The paper tries to define the image of the United States of America in Chinese newspapers and the Chinese self-stereotype (according to idea that stereotype of the aliens is the reverse of our imagination of us). The analysis comes in two parts. The first one concerns the image of US in international relations, US attitude towards China as an emerging power. This image is negative, but free from ideological influence. The Chinese criticize the American hegemony (in ancient Chinese terms), and the American sign of human rights in Chinese eyes becomes a tool of control (because the concept of fellow creature is not familiar to Chinese culture). America, it’s society and culture arouses mixed feelings in the Chinese. Two most important ideas of American credo – democracy and freedom, are criticized as leading to social chaos. This analysis shows the Chinese vision of itself as a powerful country, proud of its success and tradition. And this positive self-image of, China is the basis of new Chinese nationalism.
Chiny – Unia Europejska – Stany Zjednoczone: Wyzwania w XXI wieku Zapis dyskusji na wspólnej konferencji Fundacji „Polska w Europie” oraz Centrum Cywilizacji Azji Wschodniej Szkoły Wyższej Psychologii Społecznej w Warszawie, w dniu 28 lutego 2006 r.
China – European Union – United States: Challenges in 21st century. Record of the conference co-organized by the „Poland in Europe” Foundation and the Centre of East Asian Civilisations of Warsaw School of Social Psychology, Warsaw, 28 February 2006
RESTRUCTURIZATION AND PRIVATIZATION OF CHINESE ENTERPRISES
State Owned Enterprises (SOE) sector at the end of 70. was consisting of more than 100 thousands of enterprises with around 70 percentage of total country’s workforce and equally being responsible for almost 40 percentage of Chinese GDP at the time. Due to its size and several additional social functions provided by SOE, to implement the transformation plan was the great challenge – very often it was based on spontaneous local experiments subsequently adopted as an accepted general plan. Thus, to assess whether the Chinese government succeeded is not an easy task.
This plan was based on four stages seeking, in general, improve the financial standing and prepare SOE for sale to the private investors. Many of these companies were struggling with debts and huge losses, so to make them effective took a long time. Charged with the responsibility for the financial effectiveness, the managers of SOE were forced, i. a., to reduce employees. Thus, growing unemployment ratio is one of the main current issues to be resolved by the Chinese government.
Along with those four main stages, the whole SOE sector was divided into large ones and Small&Medium Enterprises (SME) groups to adopt various approaches towards restructuring them. Restructuring the SOE, China is witnessing the booming private enterprises sector. Both trends significantly changed the economical environment of China, introducing new management styles and economical effectiveness. From the social point of view, the growing private companies sector supplied the Chinese society with the new middle class.
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