The purpose of this article is to use North Norwegian legends and show how these oral stories have been used in the education at the Institute for Teacher Education and Pedagogic, University of Tromsø - Norway’s arctic university since the time I started this project at the end of the 1990s period. Here, there will be given a definition and expansion for the types of legends that exists, what was stated about it in the lecture plan (L­97) at the time, and what created the basis for this research. An important part of this work was to collect legends in order to document this traditional material for later, as a contribution to North Norwegian cultural history and, thereby, as a gateway to establish knowledge structures.

State celebrations, anniversaries of important historical events and their observance are one of the main channels of communication between ruling elite and society that shape the state symbolic space. In addition to establish­ ing memorial sites, erecting monuments, founding institutions focused on remembrance, they are the most important way to create a narrative of the state’s past. In Poland - regardless of time and political system - special attention was paid to creating a calendar of holidays and anniversaries, and the manner they were celebrated. These festivities were and are still considered to be fundamental tools used in Polish politics of history, both at state­wide and local level. Their importance in the regions can - depending on how the local elites exercise their powers - vary from much larger in relation to the central state level to entirely negligible. The aim of this study is to present mechanisms and tools used by local authorities in building an appropriate historical narrative using just those tools.

The aim of the article is to analyse the assessment of Hungary presented in two democracy’s indices: the Freedom in the World Index and the Bertelsmann Stiffung Index in years 2010 - 2016. The research problem is to identify which of the elements shaping the democracy in Hungary in accordance with the indices have deteriorated. The research is based on the analysis of the content and the existing data. The evaluations of Hungary in the indices of democracy have deteriorated since 2010 when Orban and Fidesz won the parliamentary election and gained power (up to 2016). The changes introduced by Orban in the Constitutional Court and the judiciary, the adoption of a new Basic Law, a new electoral law and the media law cast a shadow over Hungarian democracy. Indices show that the four basic principles of a democratic state have been violated, namely 1) the rule of law, 2) the separation of authorities 3) free and fair elections, and 4) freedom of expression.

The objective of the presented article consists in the juxtaposition of two depictions of mechanisms of imagination which we use to create averaged images of all sensual experiences. The first of them is Kantian normal idea conducive to the construction of adherent beauty, whereas the second - Santayana’s concept of formation of a generic idea, aesthetic type or an ideal. It is my conviction that both these proposals are convergent, as they refer to the same method of functioning of the imagination, however they differ in certain details, as they are inscribed in nearly entirely opposite aesthetic concepts. However, Santayana’s theory of character creation goes further than Kant’s concept, as it exceeds the averaged image of the normal idea, and, while not being equivalent to Kantian aesthetic idea constituting a certain product of genius, it heads towards the idealisation of representations available to all people. The purpose behind Santayana’s concept proves to be more practical as compared to the solution proposed by Kant. In this depiction, we should recognise a universal mechanism of the imagination in the formation of characters as aesthetic forms, enabling a person to define his/her place and gain knowledge on the human world of attitudes, customs and ordinary behaviours.

Many instructors willing to undertake teaching in a foreign language are progressively noticing the need to improve the quality of classroom discourse and lecturing styles, so that students can capture and process the information delivered more efficiently. Mind­maps can be an important and effective asset to anyone who wants to learn a language. They are considered to be a great way to brainstorm and generate more ideas. They help to create a number of small ideas from one big idea, to see how different ideas could be connected together and to create a plan of action. They break from the traditional way of thinking when learning, and therefore they encourage creativity - and this can be achieved only when there are no restrictions, criticism and judging. The result should be a very creative, new solution to problems, a generation of original, relaxed and informal ideas. The article demonstrates how mind mapping technique can be used to improve language skills: reading, writing, speaking, and listening in higher education settings; moreover, it concerns positive and negative aspects of the use of mind mapping, purposes it may serve, implications, suggestions, and recommendations for mind mapping strategies for teachers and students.

The article presents an interdisciplinary analysis of possible object’s usage in psychotherapy of adults. It is also focused on the meaning of the area where psychotherapy takes place. The text presents multidimensional view on psychotherapy, which is understood not just as psychological but also socio­cultural phenomenon. The article indicates also a “turn toward the thing” in contemporary humanistic and social studies. Material base of psychotherapy is very important in establishing (crucial for positive impact of psychotherapy) good enough therapeutic relation. Theoretical reflections which bind cultural studies and psychological perspective are crowned by case study of family therapy in which objects and place of therapy were important elements of therapeutic process.

The popularity of games, both computer ones and those with a board, does not surprise anyone these days. They are played by both youngest children as well as adults. It may thus be worthwhile to introduce games into academic education as one of educational activities. For thanks to a game, one can better understand a given problem, actively participate in its resolution, but also study material from a given lesson unit. Whether educational games work out as tools in educating students and whether they can be recommended to learners at the primary level of education - it will turn out in the further part of the article. Our intention is to carry out an experiment in which we wish to compare two groups of students, one of which (the experimental group) is using games during their classes, whilst the other one (the control group) is not using such games and acquires material in the traditional form.

Russia is believed to be back on the world stage. President Vladimir Putin’s policy based on the idea of conservatism, an assertiveness towards the West and the desperation to become an important global player has successfully lifted Russia’s significance in the international scene. To regain the status of a superpower Russia has developed a strategy of counterweighing politically the West and particularly the United States.

Civil disobedience is the attitude which in the 20th century proved to be the only effective form of resistance to authoritarian regimes. So it was in the case of the events of August ’91 when the Soviet society objected to the activities of the State Committee on the State of Emergency. It would not have been possible without the reform programme known as perestroika initiated by the last USSR leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Thanks to perestroika and the accompanying glasnost transparency of socio­political life the previously apathetic and alienated Soviet society felt responsible for their own life and for the fate of the State. By opposing the rebels through passive resistance, the citizens proved to the leaders of their own country, to the world, and above all, to themselves that they were aware of their rights and responsibilities. The process of socio­political socialization stimulated the development of civil society in the Soviet Union.

In 2008, before the conflict with Georgia began, no one was able to predict the readiness or effectiveness of the Russian Army. A few years later during the military campaign in Syria, the Russian Armed Forces confirmed their standing as one of the best armies of the world, demonstrating a high level of technical potential and combat training. Between 2008 and 2012 Russia’s military education became one of the best and most prestigious forms of education in Russia. The main purpose of this article is to show the changes that have occurred in the Russian military education since the beginning of military reform (in 2008) to 2012. The main research problem is to answer the question: how have the changes in military education and in the training system strengthened Russia’s military potential?

It is difficult to characterize Ukrainian society as fully active or passive, as, on the one hand, public participation and involvement in political life as well as large mobilization in situations where civil interests are violated are clearly visible, and, on the other, we can notice a decrease of political activity as a consequence of these events. The aim of the present work was to analyze and explain the specificity of the functioning of Ukrainian society in the years 2000 – 2012. The study was conducted with the author’s own designed tool based on the concept of ideal types developed by Max Weber. The analysis of political apathy used a dissonant category of political activity and the conclusions were drawn on the basis of whether the legislation of Ukraine promotes an active attitude of society and the extent to which the provisions of the law are reflected in real involvement of Ukrainian citizens in political matters. The results show that participation of Ukrainian society in different forms of political activity does not entail its full realization, while the fact that Ukrainian citizens got involved in public affairs excludes the recognition of Ukrainian society as fully apathetic. Thus, in the case of Ukraine, we are dealing with a hybrid society characterized by political activity with elements of political apathy.

In the light of art. 4 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the nation as a sovereign has the right to steer the state’s policy, express an opinion on governing of the state, as well as co­decide with the state organs in the governing process. The nation is a source of power and may assume the role of an arbitrator in conflict situations between constitutional state organs but also in disputes between the subjects of the political scene, which is reflected in the targeting of the activities of public authorities according to the will expressed via a referendum. Due to the introduction of the principle of nation sovereignty in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, it seemed that a nationwide referendum was bound to become an important instrument allowing the expression of opinions and formulation of decisions by the sovereign.

The theme of this article is the evolution of the Polish flag and the anthem. These symbols were accompanied by Polish people in the most important moments of their lives. They give immigrants a sense of constant ties with their homeland. Knowledge of the history of these national symbols is important to understand the importance and the need for such things as the national flag and the national anthem

Socio­legal situation of Poland is now a lot different from the one before 2004. Membership of our country to an integrative organization with such an advanced character as the European Union causes that it is necessary to take a wider look at the issue of functioning of the political system patterns, as well as, as a consequence, at entities and methods which may be taken into account during public decision making. Here one of the most interesting issues, and as it seems still least learned aspects of the EU governance is proceeding participation of the judicial sector of the EU within political life of the member states. Aim of the author is to verify a research assumption that the CJ jurisdiction has a serious social dimension, noticeable also for Polish nonpublic actors. According to the principle of the CJ judicature, today named as quasiprecedent, each nonpublic body may point to previous judgements of the Court each time it assumes that it might have positive effects. But when we take into account how large that source is today possibility of such situation is high.

The theme of this article is the evolution of the Polish national emblem. Without knowledge of the genesis and history of this national symbol, it is difficult to understand the value of education in terms of nationality and the sense of national unity. Appearance, shape, colour evolved due to the political centrifugation in the country, but always and invariably meant Poland as the home of those who lived in the country and emigrated.