In the paper, its author aims to show the degree to which the influence of just a single person, Stefan Estreicher, shaped the earliest knowledge of a student, fresh science graduate and young PhD at the Jagiellonian University, Bronisław Malinowski; the influence of a man that Malinowski deemed to be his master, “his professor”, and, with time, his good friend. We quote Stanisław Estreicher’s most important thoughts, which were often common truths of his times and, to an even higher extent, of the intellectual circles he belonged to. They later appeared in Bronisław Malinowski’s works, often in their edited versions or as specific “reference points” in the issues he addressed.

After World War Two, German historiography focused its attention on a few aspects:

1) the resistance movement in Nazi Germany; 2) losses that Germans suffered from the Allies in the years 1943-45 (air raids, contributions, plunder, rapes and robbing);

3) the occupation and 45-year long division of Germany. Only if the events were shown in this way, could Germans play the role of the victims instead of initiators of the war.

The end of every decade after the fall of the Third Reich brought a discussion on the year 1945. A question was asked: Was it the end of German statehood or was it rather the beginning of a new stage on the way to a democratic state of free German countries?

At the same time, East German historians argued with West German ones on the continuity of the German Reich after 1945. From 1951, it was the German Federal Republic that identified itself with the German Reich.

Since the reunion of both German countries, the historiography of the new, joint German state has tried to show that the Third Reich was not rooted in German tra ditions, but was – as Ernst Nolte claimed – a „false link in the history of Germany”, and that the feeling of defeatism prevailed among Germans in 1945. It was social democrats and communists that were first to shake off that feeling. The contemporary German Federal Republic, does not feel responsible for the Third Reich, even though it is its legal heir.

Summing up the positions of German historiography (in the years 1949-1990 of two German states – the German Federal Republic and the German Democratic Republic), I believe that the escape from the Eastern Front, expelling Germans, unconditional surrender, and hardships of the post-war period were the direct result of the war started in 1939 by the German nation led by Adolf Hitler. The sooner Germans universally accept it, the more respected European nation they will become. They must also recognise the fact that after 700 years, history came full circle – both Polish and German peoples have returned to their roots – the times when their predecessors came as settlers and conquerors…

The study indicates that migratory movements are one of the fundamental values of life and culture of civilization. The heritage of the past is rich, revealing their scale, consequences, opportunities and barriers to development. Since the end of the 18th century, migrations have been deeply involved in the political life of each country and international environment. A new cultural dimension is associated in fact with the global formation of civil society, in the process of the simultaneously occurring unification and diversification of cultural life. The image of the migration life clearly involves the presence of Poland and Polish people both in terms of migrants and immigrants.

The aim of the article is to analyze the activities of the social movements, as an important part of current political events. Author is of the opinion that social movements are crucial political tool, which is used by political parties. They allows politicians to ensure a political recruitment, drum up political support and create new political elites within the party. The main questions that need to be indicated are: if social movements are tools used by political parties in order to enhance an influcence on legitimacy of their activities, if social movement are a part of a process of political socialization for their activists, if social movements have an influence on abilities and experience of the group to conduct political activity?

The problem of politics is that nobody controls it anymore, because the social formula of its acceptance is expiring, or has already expired. There is anarchy. There exist monopolies of international corporations, which try to govern globally but do not have sufficient social legitimation to do it. The notion of economic globalisation that refers to this has been developed, but in reality there is a vacuum of global management and participation (the growth of emotions over reasons, a tribal approach, and territorialism) in the prospect of growing threats (e.g. climate change, terrorism, migrations, pandemics). An average human, full of natural envy, desires that everybody can fulfil themselves in the material world the same as them, and such equality would be satisfying for them as we know that the argument about similar stomachs is universal. He or she does not want equality in spiritual realisation; here, with ease, he or she accepts that there are smarter and more talented people than them, but they will defend fiercely their equality, treating their right to it extremely seriously. Equality is a part of human faith, and practice confirms the suggestions that traditional mythical patterns cannot be eliminated without toil. Certainly, there is no threat of the end of politics. So far, all living organisms of the human kind organise themselves. The specifics of this self-organisation depend on self-determination. People will have an interest in politics as long as politics determines their security. Nowadays, we are again witnesses to disorder, revolution, desperation, and terror, so the factors that cause fear start to dominate in the moral narrative. Finally, security and directing improvement of life chances are tasks of politics and the political character. It would be a catastrophe if a problem of security returned to its pre-political state. The basic aspect of human self-determination is the organisation of every personal life according to the norms and activities allowed by the group. Theories referring to the crisis of democracy (through e.g. the dictates of fear of nuclear war, terrorism, ecologic catastrophe, a technocratic state with an expert-driven system, entertainment justified by economic-political interest groups, and losing sovereignty through complicated institutions, external networks, and sub-political social subgroups) could become true, or have already become true. The loss of reputation, credibility, and attractiveness can happen at the same time as the decline of the meaning of internalisation in social communication, which appears in the growing discouragement towards politics and the creation of subsystems that are not predictable and steerable in a democratic way because of their complexity.

Jan Tomasz Gross in the article published on the German „Die Welt” daily’s website and also in the interview he gave in February 2016 for the German broadcast station Deutschlandfunk (DLF), stated that during WW2 the Polish killed between 25.000 – 30.000 Germans and many times more Jews, since only 40.000 survived on the Polish territory. Gross is not a historian, but a sociologist, he writes his own historic essays instead of dissertations based on documents. Hence, he airs erroneous information. The scientific studies show, that during WW2 the Polish killed between 60 to 80 thousand German soldiers, police officers and officials who had exerted terror and repression. On the other hand, about 100 thousand Jews survived Holocaust on the territory of Poland only thanks to the aid of the people. In the historic evaluation of Polish-Jewish relations, Jan Tomasz Gross by airing erroneous information went beyond a border of confabulation. Such actions performed by Gross can only be compared to the ahistorical and false terms “Polish death camps”, which have been used in the German press and other mass media, and Gross “conformed” to the German model of evaluation of the Polish nation. But the WW2 executioner, that is Germany, are not entitled to use such a term towards their victim, that is Poland. Therefore, the Germans, having murdered about 6 million Polish citizens, are the last ones who should instruct us on the issue of accepting Muslim refugees, as they have no moral right to it.

Cywilizacja europejska to nie tylko zdobycze techniczne, dzieła filozoficzne, naukowe i literackie, posągi, obrazy, mozaiki i budowle, lecz także pewna kultura polityczna. Powstała ona w toku wielowiekowego procesu historycznego, w trakcie którego wypracowano zasady i formy udziału ludzi w polityce, określono kanony funkcjonowania państwa, prawidła, którymi rządzi się życie społeczne. W zasadzie nikt nie kwestionuje tego, iż na cywilizację europejską złożyły się z jednej strony różne nurty filozofii greckiej, z drugiej rzymska myśl prawnicza, z trzeciej judeochrześcijańska doktryna religijna. Zapomina się jednak o tym, że niezmiernie ważną rolę w budowaniu tej cywilizacji odgrywały procesy, które z dzisiejszego punktu widzenia są „procesami politycznymi”, aczkolwiek współcześni, orzekający w tych procesach sędziowie, oskarżeni i inni uczestnicy postępowania najczęściej nie zdawali sobie z tego faktu sprawy. Badania historyczne dowodzą, iż zjawisko „procesów politycznych” jest w zasadzie tak stare, jak instytucja państwa i prawa. Znaczenie tych procesów było bardzo różne. Niektóre były istotne tylko na określonym etapie historycznym, dla konkretnego reżimu politycznego, czasem dla bytu państwa. Inne miały wymiar znacznie szerszy, a skutki ich trwały przez wiele lat, istnieją jako niezatarte piętno w cywilizacji i kulturze europejskiej, a nawet wykraczają poza te granice. Jest rzeczą znamienną, iż współcześni najczęściej nie zdawali sobie sprawy z tego, że są uczestnikami bądź tylko obserwatorami zjawiska, które ma swój wymiar nie tylko w perspektywie określonego postępowania prawno-karnego, ale będzie istotne dla całej cywilizacji. Procesami politycznymi o takim ponadczasowym wymiarze były procesy: Sokratesa, Jezusa Chrystusa oraz w mniejszym stopniu, Lucjusza Sergiusza Katyliny. Pierwszy z nich, proces Sokratesa, stał się podwaliną nowej koncepcji etycznej. Drugi, proces Jezusa Chrystusa, doprowadził do powstania nowej religii – chrześcijaństwa. Trzeci, proces Katyliny, który swój rozgłos zawdzięcza, w dużej mierze, mowom oskarżycielskim Marka Tuliusza Cycerona, pozwolił na wypracowanie koncepcji racji stanu, aczkolwiek samo to pojęcie w owym czasie w myśli politycznej republikańskiego Rzymu, jeszcze nie funkcjonowało. Do tych trzech, fundamentalnych dla cywilizacji europejskiej, procesów politycznych wypadałoby dorzucić jeszcze proces, jaki wytoczono zakonowi templariuszy. Ma on już jednak inny charakter i niewątpliwie mniejsze znaczenie dla dziejów cywilizacji europejskiej od trzech poprzednich. Jego przebieg, a w szczególności wynik, ugruntował przekonanie, iż władza polityczna państwa sięga daleko i podlegają jej nie tylko osoby świeckie, lecz także duchowni, nawet jeżeli są jednocześnie rycerzami, których zasług dla misji Kościoła katolickiego, w takim rozumieniu w jakim misję tę pojmowano w średniowieczu, nie sposób przecenić. Proces ten dowodził supremacji państwa nad innymi organizacjami społecznymi zarówno o charakterze wewnątrzpaństwowym, jak i ponadpaństwowym.

The paper considers non-formal adult education. For this purpose, various classifications of adult education, forms of non-formal education and its advantages were presented. Activities of the Academy of Beautiful Time – initiative implemented by City Public Library in Czechowice-Dziedzice were characterized. The objectives of the Academy, ways of achieving the objectives and permissions of the listeners were presented. The paper also analyzes statistical data on the Academy of Beautiful Time, such as the number of students, the number of people participating in the courses, the number of hours of education and discusses the form of educational activity within the Academy. The article highlights the role of public libraries in the process of non-formal education and directions of development of the Academy of Beautiful Time in Czechowice-Dziedzice were formulated.

Począwszy od lat 60. idea edukacji ustawicznej robi zawrotną karierę. Poświęcono jej wiele międzynarodowych konferencji, uwzględniono w niemal wszystkich raportach edukacyjnych. Tendencji w sferze refleksji nad kształceniem ustawicznym towarzyszyć zaczął ponadto zanik liczby zawodów całożyciowych. Wprawdzie część z nich będzie miała tego typu charakter (np. lekarz), a do niedawna także zawody wykonywane w związku ze sprawowaniem władzy, np. zawody prawnicze lub zawody wykonywane w ramach tzw. służb mundurowych, to jednak liczebność tych zawodów drastycznie zmniejsza się. W polskich warunkach widać to głównie w zawodach uznawanych dotychczas za bardzo stabilne i całożyciowe: żołnierza zawodowego lub funkcjonariusza policji. Obecnie są to już profesje rynkowe, gdzie rotacja wywoływana jest zarówno poprzez decyzje pracodawców, jak i decyzje samych zainteresowanych1. Na tym tle należałoby zaznaczyć fenomen ukształtowania się wzorcowego systemu wojskowej edukacji ustawicznej w Polsce już w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym, a następnie jego odtworzenia po 1956 r. Ciekawym jest również fakt, iż system edukacji ustawicznej wojskowych był niemal niezauważalny przez pedagogów akademickich, głównie z przyczyny jego wyizolowania w ramach jednego, hermetycznego resortu. Cechą tego resortowego rozwiązania był środek ciężkości ulokowany w doskonaleniu zawodowym, w znacznym stopniu eliminujący szerszy aspekt edukacyjny rozwoju osobowości, zmiany lub podniesienia kwalifikacji, itp. Przyczynę takiego stanu należałoby lokalizować w autarkii edukacyjnej wojska. Dopiero pod koniec lat 80. część wojskowego środowiska akademickiego usiłowała przełamać sygnalizowaną tedencję. Nieprzypadkowo więc znaczną część Akademickiego Towarzystwa Andragogicznego w pierwszej połowie lat 90. Tworzyli wojskowi nauczyciele akademiccy. Jednym z nich był prof. Bogdan Szulc. Miałem przyjemność zetknięcia się z nim już znacznie wcześniej, w trakcie moich studiów podyplomowych w Akademii Sztabu Generalnego Wojska Polskiego, gdzie ówczesny ppłk dr B. Szulc był moim nauczycielem. Jego otwartość na kwestie przełamania izolacji uczelni wojskowych oraz szerszą refleksję pedagogiczną były wówczas bardzo wyraźne. Prezentowany dalej tekst jest więc zarówno wyrazem uznania dla dokonań prof. B. Szulca, formą podziękowania byłego studenta swojemu nauczycielowi, jak i nieprzypadkowym wyborem tematu.

The topic of the work is to present the problem of the social campaign on the example of the „Let’s save the toddlers.” Social campaigns regularly appear in the media, and their main purpose is to change the current state of the problem or social attitudes. For this reason, they are an important element in shaping contemporary and future realities. Social campaign was shown on the example of the „Let’s save the toddlers’’, which is an interesting case in terms of communication with audience. Today the Internet has become the medium so common and mainstream, that it seems impossible to bypass it in fulfillment of a social campaign, which reach as many people is crucial. For this reason, so popular has gained social networking site Facebook, which brings together people from all over the world. This gives you a good chance for the organizers of any social campaigns, because the very low financial can reach a very large number of people in a very short time. This possibility also exploited the organizers of the „Let’s save the toddlers”.

The author of the article has a longstanding experience as a prison chaplain. He carried out extensive studies among a huge group of prisoners. Those studies were conducted for prison chaplain’s tasks, aimed at rehabilitation of prisoners and strongly connected with stigmatization and destigmatization of people from penitentiary. The problem’s analisys is based also on the studies on the literature and source materials, which contains also formal and legal documents, but primarily on the own observa tion caused by own participation in the whole process. Likewise, it were used some experiences of people who were related to penitentiary system. That if jailed people come back to criminal world, start to live honestly with social rules practically depends on the rehabilitation and penitentiary help. Feedback and beliefs of those people let us to know if chaplains fulfill assumed functions.

The ability to focus, empathy, courage and responsibility are important determinants affecting the development of pro-social behavior. In the modern education system, they are rarely appreciated. They are being pushed away, often far from pragmatism and academic knowledge. In the same time the modern world needs a person able to see deeper and more thorough, that is able to discover what seems to be hidden from the sight of others.

The aim of this study was to verify the usefulness of field activities in the development of selected social attitudes. The participants moved around with their eyes closed assisted by their colleagues. The study was conducted during the obligatory winter camps of the Faculty of Tourism and Recreation in the Academy of Physical Education in Warsaw in 2014–2016. 86 students were tested, amongst them there were 37 women and 49 men. The experimental group consisted of people carrying out their snowboard training and experiencing temporary shutdown of visual perception during the activity. The results were compared with tests carried out on the third and fourth stage of education. The basic research method was a pedagogical experiment, that involved participant observation tool. To collect more detailed data a diagnostic survey was also used. The study used collecting material techniques – a survey, a complementary interview and a video recording the behavior of respondents during the activities. People with experience in practicing snowboarding with eyes closed (experimental group) did much better in difficult terrain showing lower level of feelings of anxiety and greater courage, composure and accuracy in performing given tasks. Respondents playing the guide role presented rarely seen in everyday situations empathetic attitude in response to their colleagues stress reactions. The results allow to draw conclusion that the use of similar activities at different levels of education can be an effective tool in building positives interpersonal relationships in educational institutions and beyond. Studies show that getting such effects as increased levels of concentration, accuracy in action, coping with stress – which connects to more effectively undertaken in difficult conditions – can be possible only through systematic training using a temporary shutdown of visual perception.

Activity Tarnowskiej Delegation Książęco-Episcopal Assistance Committee in 1915–1917

Tarnowska delegation Książęco-episcopal Assistance Committee was officially was established on 19 August 1915 r. It was a transformation of Tarnowski Rescue Committee. This organization functioned during the First World War. Its patron was bishop of Tarnów Leon Wałęga. As part of its structure three sections: building, the orphan and food shortages were created. They were based on subsidies and donations, also from abroad. It moved to assist the most affected by the war diocese – orphans and the homeless, especially in rural areas. Delegation activity fell at the most difficult times. There was no shortage of clergy and lay people involved in helping the most needy. Institutional support was organized professionally. Thanks to the work Tarnowskiej Delegation K.B.K. many lives were saved.

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