SPIS TREŚCI / CONTENTS / ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ

Russian-Turkish relations in the context of the war in Ukraine

The outbreak of the war between Russia and Ukraine has put Turkey in a difficult situation. The Turkish government, which adopted a strategy of ambiguity towards this conflict, tried to maintain good economic relations with Russia while providing military support to Ukraine. Turkey’s policy towards the Russia-Ukraine war refers to the broader context of international rivalry that involves the United States and China. In this situation, Turkey must take into account all circumstances of international competition. The scientific hypothesis refers to the measurable benefits that Turkey derives from applying such a strategy towards the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.

This paper aims to evaluate the sources of Russia’s soft power as a tool which should enable it to integrate Belarus more closely with Russia. The research question is as follows: what are Russia’s main sources of attractiveness, and what kind of instruments of soft power is the Russian government applying to achieve that aim? To what extent was this soft policy successful? The author applied a qualitative research method. It is inductive and allows the researcher to explore meanings and insights into Russia’s notion of “soft power” in its foreign policy toward Belarus. The basis of it lies in the interpretive approach to the present reality of Russia – Belarus political and economic relations and in the evaluation of Russian efforts to integrate its closest neighbour by using only non-military means.

The Visegrád Group (V4) countries in the face of the war in Ukraine. Defense diplomacy during the first year of the war

Tense Russian-Ukrainian relations, sparked by the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and Ukraine’s pro-European and pro-NATO ambitions, led to a Russian invasion on the country, significantly undermining the sense of security in the region. Especially the countries in close proximity to Ukraine, including Visegrad Group states, felt the threat from Russia and took a series of actions to provide a solid and decisive response to Moscow’s neo-imperial actions. The support extended had a multidimensional character, encompassing political, diplomatic, military, financial, and humanitarian areas, playing a fundamental role in sustaining Ukraine’s functioning and its military capabilities, particularly in the initial period after the invasion. The aim of the article is to synthetically depict, from a Polish perspective, the engagement of Visegrad Group countries in implementing the ideas and tasks of defense diplomacy in the first year of the war in Ukraine, from February 24, 2022, to February 24, 2023.

Status and importance of the Three Seas in construction of contemporary global security architecture

This article covers a cross-sectional and updating reflection on the phenomena taking place in the security sphere of the region, the so-called Three Seas. The research subject of the article is the Three Seas Initiative format as a potential subjective keystone of the security of Central and Eastern Europe, treated taking into account historical and current events, as one of the foundations of not only the European or Euro-Atlantic, but also the global security architecture. The priority research goal was to present and analyze the progress and integration and institutional perspectives of the Three Seas Region, and thus an attempt to search for the status arrangements of this format, by analyzing this geopolitical space in the light of, above all, the concept of regional security complexes (but also, among others, geopolitical wedges, the influence of superpowers of the global balance of power). The findings presented in these investigations signal both attempts to comprehensively bind the region with interdependence, attempts at far-reaching rapprochement and co-creation of soft security architecture – in the form of development-progressing infrastructure, as well as pragmatic and conservative behavior, resulting from both the geopolitical dynamics and current national calculations of the Three Seas countries.

The objective of this study is to analyze the implementation and utilization of information and communication technologies (ICT) in the development of Smart Cities by the authorities of the V4 capitals. This research examines the smart city concept in the context of the development strategies of the V4 capitals. The study utilizes quantitative and qualitative methods to assess the potential of each city and conducts a comparative analysis of strategic documents related to the smart city concept. The article initiates by examining the changing dynamics of public space management in light of the increasing significance of cybertechnology. The subsequent section highlights the key points outlined in the Agenda 2030 document. This is followed by an effort to conceptualize the smart city concept and an explanation for investigating the development of the V4 capitals. The subsequent portion of the article delves into the perception of economic and social development, drawing from the security and cybersecurity strategies of each V4 country. The cases of each country are then analyzed based on selected factors that define their technological potential. The analysis aims to identify the predominant aspects pertaining to the utilization of ICT within the Smart City concept in the V4 capitals. The comparative analysis will reveal commonalities, disparities, strengths, and areas that require further development in each capital. The insights derived from this research prove vital for effective urban management. They facilitate an enhanced understanding of the interconnectedness between various economic and social resources and allow for the systematization of assumptions, visions, and underlying concepts related to urban space management. This, in turn, assists in identifying the factors that influence comprehensive engagement in smart city initiatives.

Memory nodes. The issue of the Katyn massacre in Polish-Russian relations

The article focuses on discussing the impact of the conditions regarding the Katyn massacre on the current relations between Warsaw and Moscow. The history of these two countries is characterized by a long and difficult past, which is why numerous unresolved disputes, burdens and myths have arisen and are still visible today, negatively affecting bilateral contacts. In 1989, right after the fall of the communist system in Poland, the new political elites, coordinating the process of democratic changes in our country, made efforts to sort out the controversial threads in the common Polish-Russian history. Without a doubt, the most important of them was the Katyn massacre. For the political elites of the Third Polish Republic, explaining the overall circumstances of those events was the most important goal of diplomatic activities undertaken towards the Kremlin. In Warsaw’s opinion, untangling this knot of memory from the history of relations between the two countries was supposed to help free them from past burdens and negative accumulations and contribute to strengthening friendship in current times. Unfortunately, it quickly turned out that this topic soon became one of the main elements negatively burdening mutual relations.

“Our lack of programme was in a sense also our programme” – political thought of the Free Trade Unions of the Coast

The Free Trade Unions of the Coast were one of the most important organizations of the pre-August opposition. The purpose of the article is to reconstruct the political thought of the organization and to answer questions about who its exponents were, how they perceived the reality of the Polish People’s Republic and how they planned to change it. The concepts built by the WZZ of the Coast have been contrasted with other programs of such organizations in Poland. Also pointed out are the programmatic themes of the WZZ that remain relevant today. The article uses an analytical method of abstracting individual ideas contained in the political output of the members of the organization in question and reconstructing them as a certain ideological whole. The conclusions recognize that the WZZ of the Coast had a primarily worker-oriented and practice-oriented character, which distinguished it from the more intellectual KOR and ROPCiO. Also important to the organization were the traditions of patriotic socialism derived from the Polish Socialist Party and the events of December 1970.

Ukrainian political emigrants in Kalisz and Piotrków Trybunalski in the years 1920–1930 in the light of archival sources

In this article, the author considered the fate of Ukrainian political emigrants in the socio-economic life of Kalisz and Piotrków Trybunalski in the 1920s and 1930s. Apart from mentions in general works and articles about Ukrainian political emigration in Poland, there are several special studies devoted to Kalisz and Piotrków Trybunalski. This study was conducted primarily on the basis of documents processed by the author in the state archives of Lodz and Piotrków Trybunalski.

The authors’ purpose in this article is to present the way in which strategic leaders may use analytical tools to operate during crisis. Their actions is based on the idea of six main tasks, the so-called “Six Makings”, that they have to accomplish. The idea of “critical tasks during crisis was presented on the basis of the COVID-19 situation in Poland and the activities carried out by the Polish government and the Polish Health-care System (Strategic Leaders) to neutralize the negative effects of the pandemic, protect the health and lives of citizens, and care for the economic situation. Qualitative data analysis techniques were used in the research process. The authors concluded that in times of crisis, citizens rely on their leaders and believe that they will ensure their security and a swift return to customary. Strategic leaders must guarantee that the organizations and stakeholders they lead are prepared to counter the future challenges — foreseen and unforeseen alike. The “Six Makings” analytical tool, properly used, could significantly improve the accuracy of decisions made and increase the effectiveness of actions taken.

From decentralization to (re)centralization. Policies of those in power towards local governments in Poland after 2015

For Poland, the turn of the 1980s and 1990s for Poland was the beginning of a profound systemic change dubbed transformation. As the result of multifaceted alterations, a new political system was shaped based on the patterns, standards and principles on which democratic states and societies base their organization and functioning. The principle of decentralization determined the direction and nature of changes in the construction of the administrative apparatus of the state, so that its bodies and institutions could perform the assigned tasks and functions in a practical manner. Local governments became a significant component of the new structure of public authorities, and they were entrusted with the implementation of the part of public tasks which directly concerned local and regional communities. And although Polish local governments were not free from defects, and the implementation of tasks caused tensions between the state and local governments, until 2015 the principle of decentralization was respected by those in power. However, the elections in 2015 brought a change, and the new ruling party revealed its actual attitude to state governance, including all forms of local government.

Returning to the sources as a way to build awareness of cultural subjectivity and the revival of traditional Chinese culture

[book review Charakter Chin]

SPIS TREŚCI / CONTENTS / ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ

Residents’ bond with the city and its influence on the evaluation of changes taking place in the city

This article presents the results of a study carried out as part of the project ‘City Observatory – a platform for cooperation between the academic community and the surrounding area’, in six cities of three voivodeships of Eastern Poland – Białystok, Lublin, Rzeszów, Suwałki, Biała Podlaska and Krosno. The three capitals of the Podlaskie, Lubelskie and Podkarpackie Voivodeships and three cities from these voivodeships, which lost the status of voivodeship cities as a result of the administrative reform of 1999, were selected for the study. The study involved 11,397 respondents, from three groups of respondents: parents/guardians of primary and lower secondary school pupils, secondary school pupils and students. The main aim of the article is to determine the level of residents’ bond with the city in retrospect, based on a set of statements (items) built on a five-point Likert scale, and to identify variables that differentiate the respondents’ bond with the city in a statistically significant way. The research showed that the strength of residents’ bond with the city influences their assessment of the quality of life in the city and the changes taking place in it. The level of residents’ bond with the city is influenced by the gender of the respondents, membership of the research group – parents, students, pupils and the fact of being a city resident or city user.

The 15-minute green compact city – connections, challenges and prospects

The aim of the article, which is of a review nature, is to present the main elements linking the 15-Minute City model with urban development concepts such as Green City and Compact City. The main thesis of the article boils down to the assumption of substantive proximity of the analyzed concepts. Attention has been focused on three elements found in the mentioned approaches: accessibility of public services, organization of urban transportation prioritizing pedestrian and bicycle traffic, and improvement of the quality of public spaces. The premises for the implementation of the proposed changes in urban space have also been presented, indicating significant challenges in this regard.

Citizen assembly in the perspective of participants and attendees

The citizens’ assembly is a relatively new form of democracy, consisting of developing a thoughtful set of recommendations preceded by a detailed analysis of a given issue. The suggestions formulated are agreed upon by a representative group of residents and this process is preceded by an education phase that aims to provide participants with reliable knowledge regarding the subject of the panel. These characteristics make this co-decision mechanism increasingly popular, including in Poland. Citizens’ assemblies have been implemented in most major Polish cities. However, there is no doubt that for organizers, as well as for participants and urban communities, this is something new. Therefore, it seems important to conduct in-depth research on the implementation of panels in Polish conditions. In this context, the aim of the article is to present the results of a study on the II Łódź Citizens’ Assembly. The obtained results show that the citizens’ assembly is positively evaluated by those participating in it. Participants of the Łódź panel particularly emphasized its educational and social merits, while somewhat less so the political aspect, that is the opportunity to influence the city, which is the primary function of the panel.

Impact of artificial intelligence development on energy security and smart city management

The development of technology in recent years has carried with it the rise of new solutions aimed at simplifying many areas of life. One of them is artificial intelligence, the progress of which is definitely noticeable and undeniable. The purpose of the article is to present applications of AI in selected areas most important from the point of view of state management. Also, an attempt will be made to define artificial intelligence by interpreting its basic functions and objectives. The most important fields of AI activity from the point of view of the article are energy security and the development of smart cities. Many examples of solutions and software developed by various companies have been presented. Analysis of the implementation of artificial intelligence in the areas described has shown that today it supports the processes taking place in them, although it is not an essential element of their functioning, it carries significant development potential. In conclusion, it has been shown that the development of artificial intelligence is not free of risks, including overdependence on it, the replacement of human labor with machine labor, and if the development of AI will not encounter an obstacle in the form of undeveloped technology.

Social capital of young city residents on the example of selected indicators

The main purpose of this article is to present the results of a survey of two selected social capital indicators conducted by the author among young city residents. The indicators, which have been within the research process, are “trust” and “voter turnout”. For the purposes of the article, the author assumed that young residents of the city are students of universities located in the city of Rzeszow. The results obtained as part of the research were compared for comparison purposes with surveys conducted by the Public Opinion Research Center (CBOS) and voter turnout, which was published by the National Electoral Commission (PKW).

The attitudes toward cities based on the results of survey research in six cities in Eastern Poland

In the article, the intensity of attitudes toward cities and their correlates was analyzed based on research conducted in six cities in Eastern Poland (the capitals of three voivodeships: Rzeszów, Białystok, and Lublin, as well as three cities that lost their voivodeship capital status due to administrative reforms implemented in 1999: Biała Podlaska, Krosno, and Suwałki). The study involved 11,397 surveys completed by parents/guardians of primary and secondary school students, secondary school students, and university students. The analyses were carried out by creating a synthetic measure of attitudes toward the city. The analysis of intensity levels allowed us to capture positive, negative, and neutral attitudes. Based on the rich empirical material collected, statistically significant differences were observed concerning variables such as gender, reference city, residence within or outside the reference city, respondent category, knowledge level about the reference city, trust in other people, belief that the given city is a good place to live for the respondent, and perception of the city by others.

The image of the city in the minds of young users of Rzeszów’s space

In the era of increased competition between cities, building a positive image of the city is becoming an important element of marketing strategies. The image of a city includes all subjective ideas of reality that are formed in people’s minds as a result of perception, the influence of mass media and informal information messages. The image of a city includes both physical and emotional elements. Physical elements are objective characteristics of a place, such as its size, location, spatial structure, condition of infrastructure and type of development. Emotional elements include people’s emotional attitude and sympathy towards a given place. Therefore, all promotional activities undertaken by the authorities and changes in the city space may affect these image elements. Some changes may have a positive impact while others may have a negative impact on one’s image. The aim of the article is to present the results of a study on the image of Rzeszów. The study was conducted in spring 2022 on a sample of 415 students of the University of Rzeszów. The CAWI technique was used to collect data. These are not the first analyzes of the city image phenomenon. Previous publications show that the subjective image of the city in the minds of its inhabitants is positive. Residents point out to many good changes that have taken place in urban space in recent years. The most important ones included increasing the city’s aesthetics, improving the quality of streets and expanding the city to include surrounding towns. Unlike previous studies, which were mainly devoted to measuring hard and soft quality of life indicators, this time the focus was on assessing the specificity and originality of Rzeszów in the minds of the respondents.

Analysis of the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the security of global food supply chains

The Russian-Ukrainian conflict resulted in the transformation of modern logistics networks and supply chains to adapt to the challenges faced. This fact is particularly noticeable in the agricultural sector. Bottlenecks in the flow of raw materials have caused a global food crisis. Therefore, solutions are constantly being sought to minimize the negative effects of war, including: through the organization of solidarity corridors, as well as causing reductions in food prices. The research problem was formulated as a question: How do projects undertaken by the EU to eliminate the negative effects of war in the food supply chain sector affect their security? Additionally, a study was carried out to determine whether the actions undertaken were consistent with the adopted “farm to fork” strategy. The analysis carried out made it possible to identify the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine from the perspective of the global food market, along with presenting and assessing the actions taken as a result of the crisis in global food supply chains. The research conducted showed that as a result of disruptions in the functioning of global supply chains, food prices increased by approximately 34% in the first period of the conflict (March 2022). Currently, after introducing, among others, solidarity corridors, their growth is recorded at the level of 6.4%, by increasing the security of the flow of goods.

Language policy in the program documents of Ukrainian political parties

This article presents the position of Ukrainian political parties on the issue of language policy during the period of independence. In particular, it was important to show the position taken by individual political parties towards the status of the Russian language, as well as the need to ensure the functioning of the Ukrainian language in all spheres of social life and in the territory of the entire state. A number of program documents were analyzed, in particular, the programs of political parties and the electoral programs of parties and electoral coalitions with which they competed in subsequent elections to the Verkhovna Rada. The focus was on those political parties that individually managed to overcome the electoral threshold at least once during the parliamentary elections held at the time of independence, or played a leading role in the electoral coalitions formed, as was the case, for example, with the People’s Union “Our Ukraine” which was the key political force in the pro-presidential electoral coalitions formed for the 2006 and 2007 elections. The position of the various political forces on the language issue was discussed after first dividing them into left-wing, centrist and center-left parties, as well as right-wing and center-right parties.

Al-Mawardi’s theory of the caliphate and its connection to the contemporary Islamism

The article presents the concept of the caliphate of theologian and jurist at the turn of the 10th and 11th centuries, Al-Mawardi, based on his work Al-Ahkam as-sultaniyya and the socio-political nature of the period of the Abbasid dynasty, which was the context of its creation. Based on a detailed analysis of Al-Mawardi’s views on political power in Islam (traditional caliphate), the author’s aim was to show the connection of this theory with selected elements of the contemporary ideology of Islamism, and thus attempt to answer the question about the continuity of Muslim political thought. Considering the changes of the caliphate in times of Al-Mawardi, but also in later periods, including the ones that occurred in the Islamic world after the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the author argues that views on power in Islam were conditioned by a complex socio-political context, which was influenced by factors internal and external to the world of Islam. Discussed theory of Al-Mawardi’s caliphate constitutes the basis for the search for analogies in the political doctrine of contemporary Islamic reformers and the ideology of Islamism, which in turn allows Al-Mawardi’s views to be considered appropriate also for the contemporary concept of power in Islam.

The evolution of the North Korean economic system

For decades, the North Korean economy has been considered one of the most closed, autarkic and centralized economies in the world. Although this situation began to change in the early 21st century, the economic situation is full of uncertainty and speculation. In this context, it is worth asking how economic changes are taking place and how the North Korean economic system is changing. The main goal of the article is to present the evolution of the North Korean economic system since the establishment of the DPRK and capturing specific features of adopted system. The work consists of four parts: the first one shows some remarks on the East Asian economic model, which constitutes the basis for the analysis of the North Korean model. The second part presents the functioning of the socialism system in the DPRK, while the third focuses on changes in the system after the fall of the Eastern Bloc until the death of Kim Jong-il. The last part is devoted to Kim Jong-un’s economic reforms and tries to show the current economic system of North Korea. The work ends with a conclusion summing up conducted considerations. The article uses various research methods, including primarily literature analysis, historical analysis, analysis of existing data and comparative analysis.

On the autism spectrum, neurodiversity reveals subjectivity

[book review O samowiedzy osób dorosłych w spektrum autyzmu – jej źródłach, znaczeniu diagnozy oraz psychoedukacji]

Compendium of knowledge about the Cook Islands

[book review Wyspy Cooka. Wielowymiarowy obraz państwa i społeczeństwa]

SPIS TREŚCI / CONTENTS / ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ

The war in Ukraine in historical and political dimensions

When starting operations in Ukraine, the Russian Federation set itself specific strategic goals. To determine the degree to which these goals have been achieved, they should be correlated with the course of Russian activities to date. The first phase of the Russian military operation ended in failure, and the implementation of the set strategic goals should be considered very difficult or even impossible. The initial answer may be that the war was planned and started by the Kremlin and its security services, not professional military officials. This is where the Russians ignored certain basic principles of the art of war and the concept of new generation war itself. The Russians have not designated a commander-in-chief in the Ukrainian theater of war.

Changes in Ukrainians’ sense of security during the war 2014 – 2023

Today’s world, with the ongoing war in Ukraine, shows that conflicts, both armed and low-intensity, are directed not only at killing and conquering territory, but also at destabilising state functions and exacerbating social disputes. The aim is to weaken the morale of enemy populations and to lower their sense of security. Combat and everyday traumatic situations negatively affect soldiers and civilians, their attitudes or behaviour. This article attempts to present the changes in the feeling of security of Ukrainians in the years 2014 – 2023 during the war with the Russian Federation. The author presents the views of renowned experts and research on the phenomenon. He identifies the factors influencing the lowering or strengthening of the sense of security during the ongoing conflict. He emphasises that the sense of security translates into the will not only to fight and win, but also to survive and thrive.

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022–2023/2024. Selected military aspects

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has achieved the opposite of its intended result. Russia has suffered a strategic defeat, losing the battle for Ukraine in 2022. Putin is trying to settle for a half-hearted result – the occupation and annexation of Crimea, Donbas and Kherson and Zaporizhia regions. The West has shown an attitude of unity and solidarity with Ukraine, providing major military, economic and humanitarian support. The U.S., Britain, Germany, Poland and the Baltic states have played a major role in this process. Far-reaching economic sanctions have been imposed against Russia and the settlement of war crimes has been announced. Overcoming many internal problems, Ukraine has united in the face of an invasion and existential threat from Russia. Putin’s pursuit of a solution to the “Ukrainian question” has accelerated the consolidation of the Ukrainian people and state. By resisting aggression, Ukraine has convinced Western governments and societies of its commitment to European values and the Euro-Atlantic security system. Firm and swift action in retrofitting Ukraine’s Armed Forces with the necessary equipment and ammunition will allow a definitive solution to Russia’s imperial inclinations.

The ‘Close-up War’ project as a way of telling the story of the war in Ukraine or changes in the tools of public diplomacy in wartime

The author of the article discusses the issue of changes in public diplomacy tools during Russia’s large-scale invasion of Ukraine on the example of the documentary project ‘The War Up Close’. Public diplomacy tools became consciously used in Ukraine in the second decade of the 20th century. On 26 March 2021, the ‘Public Diplomacy Strategy of Ukraine for 2021 – 2025’ was adopted, which recognized countering Russian propaganda as one of the key tasks in the context of the hybrid war unleashed by Russia in 2014. Russia’s large-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 showed the need to update the tools of public diplomacy and expand the institutions involved in this area. The most important tool in telling the story of the war, informing the world about Russian crimes and the threat they pose to the world has become the truth, presented in documentary projects, films, photography, and immersive exhibitions created with the help of modern technologies. Such projects are able to convey the truth to the viewer, to give a sense of presence in the epicentre of events. To understand the danger that Russia poses to the world. ‘The War Up Close’ project was created using a 360° circular panorama, drone video and 3D modelling to show the world community in detail how Russians are destroying the Ukrainian people. The project materials are direct evidence of Russian crimes and can be used in the future to bring the aggressor country to justice. The project demonstrates the change in the tools of Ukraine’s public diplomacy in the context of a full-scale war, when the goal of creating a positive image of Ukraine was supplemented by the task of telling the world the truth about Russia’s crimes against a peaceful, non-nuclear-armed country.

How to talk about war in the post-truth era

Over the past few decades, the term ”post-truth” has become a well-established term in the scientific and political space to denote false but credible information. Traditional examples of this type of public information include the election of U.S. President D. Trump, the Brexit information campaign and others. During the Russian-Ukrainian war, especially with the beginning of Russia’s unprovoked full-scale aggression against Ukraine, the post-truth era did not end, but gained a new development, and information became part of the information confrontation. The aggressor is pursuing an active policy of disinformation of both its own population and the population of the target state (Ukraine) and third countries, using a variety of tools, among which the Internet and other media, as well as social networks, play the most important role. Ukraine and the countries that suffer from the Russian Federation’s information aggression must pursue appropriate information policies, from banning harmful information sources to refuting false information and providing their own. The research is devoted to analyzing the tools of information aggression and countering it. The scientific hypothesis is that information plays an important role in armed conflict, and a state against which, among other things, information aggression is perpetrated should develop tools to counter information aggression for use with both domestic and international audiences.

The War in Ukraine and Humanitarian Aid on The Example of the Regional Branch of the Polish Red Cross in the Warmian-Masurian Voivodeship

The Russian aggression in Ukraine commenced in 2014. During this period, Ukrainians began arriving in the Warmian-Masurian Voivodeship and other regions of Poland, being treated as migrants. However, since February 24, 2022, there has been a substantial increase in the influx of people from Ukraine, predominantly women and children, seeking refuge in Poland, including in the Warmian-Masurian Voivodeship. This region, due to its direct proximity to the Russian Federation (Kaliningrad Oblast), with a border of approximately 200 kilometers, did not attract particular interest from refugees. The aim of this article is to present the involvement of the Warmian-Masurian Regional Branch of the Polish Red Cross (hereinafter: OO PCK) in aiding refugees from Ukraine. The hypothesis posits that this Branch of the Red Cross has been engaged in aid activities for two years; however, in the second year of the full-scale war, this involvement diminished. The basic research problems include questions about the scale of aid to Ukrainian refugees in 2022 and 2023 organized by OO PCK, the forms of aid provided, the number of beneficiaries for each form of aid, and the specific groups of refugees to whom OO PCK directed its financial and material assistance. The results of the study provided answers to the research questions and positively verified the research hypothesis.

The Russian-Ukrainian war: the dynamics of international perception

The article analyzes the dynamics of international perception of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The position of the European Union and the United States with regard to the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation and the beginning of Russian aggression against Ukraine is presented. The features of the EU sanctions regime against Russia are described. The nature of EU assistance to Ukraine before and after the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation was analyzed. Attention was paid to the growing interest of the international community in the Ukrainian issue in connection with the large-scale offensive conducted by Russian troops. The unprecedented decision of the European Union to provide Ukraine with lethal weapons in 2022 and the motives behind the decision were analyzed. The reasons for the declining interest of international actors in the war between Russia and Ukraine were discussed, with a focus on the factors leading to the reduction of aid. The scale of aid the United States has granted to Ukraine in support of the fight against Russian aggression is highlighted. Potential reasons for U.S. delays in providing military aid to Ukraine are described, as well as the risks the White House perceives in the event of a Russian Federation failure. The phenomenon of European and American “fatigue” with the war in Ukraine was analyzed, taking into account both external and internal factors. It was concluded that the Russian-Ukrainian war should be viewed as an international threat.

Difficult conversations with young people about war

The aim of the article is to analyse the most important challenges faced by parents, guardians, educators, teachers, and psychologists in communicating with Ukrainian youth after the start of the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war. Selected good practices of educational, pedagogical, and psychological institutions, organisations and scientific research centres in Poland supporting the mental health, well-being and promoting intercultural integration of Ukrainian adolescents residing in Poland were identified. Using individual, semi-structured interviews, barriers and facilitators to communication and integration of Ukrainian teenagers with their Polish peers were also explored. The conducted analysis confirmed the necessity of addressing the topic of war in discussions with young people, considering their psychological needs and perceptual capabilities. Systemic solutions are needed to educate them in the field of information security and intercultural dialogue, and to intensify activities increasing the social inclusion of teenage refugees from Ukraine in Poland.

Talking about a lost home

Over the past few years, the Russian-Ukrainian war has caused hundreds of thousands of human tragedies. One of the most painful consequences of the conflict is the loss of homes for thousands of families in Ukraine. Many of them have been forced to leave their homes in search of a safe haven from the hostilities. In this article, we will focus on the problem of home loss in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war. We will discuss how to talk about this difficult topic, the emotional and practical consequences of losing one’s home, and how the international community can help rebuild the lives of those who have lost their homes.

Consequences of the nature of the war narrative in a democratic society in the long term

The way media informs the public about ongoing war is decisively distinct in authoritarian and democratic states. Differences are of a systemic nature and result from the direct influence, which the authoritarian authorities can exert on the narrative. It is much easier for them to pursuit of their preferences, manipulate message or neutralize public interest. In democracy the narrative must observe freedom of speech and expression and the message is finally the resultant of many factors, on which democratic authorities have limited influence. Paradoxically, media freedom creates the risk of lacking consistency of message and contribute do the “war fatigue” effect in the public.

Nuclear powers are losing wars too! Clash in the cognitive domain – Russian nuclear blackmail vs. Ukraine’s chances of victory

The clash conducted in the cognitive domain is aimed at influencing the will, determination, coherence of decision-making centers and threat assessment, at the level of individuals, groups and entire societies. Freedom of speech and multicentricity, make democratic societies more vulnerable to influence in the cognitive domain. Strategic signaling of nuclear readiness plays a special role among the leverage tools used by the Russian Federation. The interests of Western states have been and continue to be violated by Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. At the same time, the potential of Western states exceeds Russian potential many times over in a number of areas. Russia can count on a favorable resolution of the conflict for itself due to a calculation that takes into account the effective disruption of Western unity and determination to support a belligerent Ukraine, an element of which is the aforementioned threat of Russia’s use of nuclear weapons.

Is everything war? Dual-use technologies and blurring the lines between war and peace

The classic paradigm of thinking about armed conflict is a thing of the past. Today, wars are not declared outright, they simply begin and continue, and actions of a political and informational nature are an element of war reality as expected as explosions and gunfire. When a war begins an attack is to be expected from any direction. It’s not just a matter of geographic direction, but more importantly of the elements that interconnectedly shape the digitized reality. The goal of war itself remains the same, i.e. to break the will of the opponent, to disorganize the operation of the state, to introduce chaos in the ranks of the army, to break the decision-making loop and to cut off the opponent from allies - to isolate him. The difference from the experience of previous decades is the addition to the list of effectors of such tools, which were not previously identified with war. With the unclear global security situation determining dynamic changes in the technological landscape, the defense sector is increasingly turning to industrially-used solutions to maintain competitiveness and advantage on the battlefield. Driving defense innovation is the use of dual-use technologies.

O kompetencjach edukatorów nauki [recenzja książki Kompetencje zawodowe edukatorów centrów nauki. Opinie i oczekiwania]

On the competencies of science educators [book review Kompetencje zawodowe edukatorów centrów nauki. Opinie i oczekiwania]

Wywiad-rzeka z prezydentem Kwaśniewskim [recenzja książki Prezydent. Aleksander Kwaśniewski w rozmowie z Aleksandrem Kaczorowskim]

An interview with President Kwaśniewski [book review Prezydent. Aleksander Kwaśniewski w rozmowie z Aleksandrem Kaczorowskim]

SPIS TREŚCI / CONTENTS / ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ

Municipal councillors in Poland are required to submit annual asset declarations. It’s a part of the transparency of public life, declarations make it possible to determine whether a councillor’s assets are justified by his or her income and whether the income itself comes from legal and ethical sources. This article analyses 1,500 asset declarations submitted in 2024 to determine whether general conclusions can be drawn from publicly available declarations indicating corrupt situations or the risk of such situations. The subject of the analysis is whether the assets of municipal councillors in Poland are clearly higher than average, whether councillors derive income from sources that may indicate a conflict of interest or corruption, including political corruption, whether councillors have above-average financial liabilities, including with individuals? The asset declarations examined indicate the existence of risks of corrupt situations, but their analysis does not show them to be of wider scope. On its basis, it is not possible to advance the thesis that holding a mandate as a municipal councillor in Poland is associated with income that could be considered suspicious, nor with above-average assets.

Although the phenomenon of corruption is sometimes viewed through the prism of legal or economic issues, at its core it is a social phenomenon. Contemporary studies on corruption draw attention to its relationship with the issue of trust. The typological model of the relationship between trust and corruption provided the analytical framework for the described studies. Relating the types of corruption to objects of trust creates a perspective in which the perception of corruption by officials is an area of particular interest. The described research presents the perception of various dimensions of political corruption by local government officials. The juxtaposition of the assessed corruption phenomena indicates their interconnectedness in the perception of the respondents, thereby emphasizing the importance of accountability of political authorities.

The phenomenon of corruption is becoming more and more common in Poland as much as it is throughout the world. The topic returns and it is still relevant. For the average person, this issue is often not entirely clear and requires a moment of reflection and analysis. Historical events often prevail when carefully assessing corruption. Many people do not understand that the abuse of public figures’ positions to achieve private gains, both financial and personal, is a crime. We deal with many types of corruption in today’s world. Corruption is present not only in central administration, but also in local government, where conflicts of interest deeply rooted in local economic, political, or official activities, are a frequent occurrence. The desire to improve one’s social or economic status often leads to committing crimes. The problem should worry and motivate us to take extensive actions to combat its mechanisms. It is worth emphasizing that public awareness of corruption activities, especially among the generation who lived in the times of the Polish People’s Republic, is low. Assessments and attitudes towards corruption change with age. The younger generation sees a connection between corruption and the actions of local government officials in many aspects. As a result, they associate corruption with a threat to their own security.

One of the key values on which the European Union is based is the rule of law that also includes efficient mechanisms for counteracting and combating corruption. What is more, it is a key condition for countries aspiring to membership in the European Union. An example here comes from Albania’s accession aspirations. Their progress is determined by the dynamic changes in the transformation processes of this country, including progress in counteracting and eliminating corruption in the political and economic space. Explanation of the specific characteristics of Albanian reality and the exegesis of the impact of corruption on the process of the country’s closer EU cooperation are the aims of the research taken up here. Special focus will be given to electoral corruption in local government elections that took place on 14 May 2023. At the same time, these elections are only a background to a broader discussion on the essence of corruption in the Albanian reality as a factor that determines its accession process.

From the very beginning of human civilization, the ones in power were impacted by the others, who tried to gain from a more favorable decision. In order to achieve that, one could have used the correct arguments based on rationality, which, for instance, could have had an economic background. That demands much effort, meaning we should know the person we are trying to convince, learn about the situation, and gather opinions, evidence, and all sorts of data that could be useful. Others could try something risky and illegal – all sorts of corruption, including bribes, embezzlement, nepotism, extortion, kickbacks, etc. The distinction between the two seems straightforward, but only on the surface. If we get deeper into the issue, things get way more complex, and we might find it difficult to draw a clear line since the gray zone keeps growing. The paper concentrates then on the joint history of corruption and lobbying to give us a broad picture of the issue. Secondly, various concepts of the definition are analyzed to understand where we are in terms of the search between the two phenomena. The article ends with conclusions and further research suggestions.

Corruption regardless of its form and the stage at which it occurs has a pathological character. It has a destructive impact on the functioning mechanisms of public at state level, at local level and private institutions, as well as causing dysfunctions in economic systems. In addition, corruption causes security threats on a national, regional and global scale. There is no country in the world that has managed to fully solve the problem of corruption. The mechanisms and guidelines being put in place for offices and organisations countering this issue only limit the scale and narrow the area of impact. Even institutions concerned with ensuring security inside the state and protecting its interests beyond its borders are not free from this practice. This article will describe the impact of bribery on the functioning of key areas affecting the entire state and international security system.

The article aims at presenting the problem of corruption and outlining its consequences. The work is an overview and an introduction to the subject of corruption in local government units. The problem of corruption has existed for many years and is gaining significance. According to analyses, Poland is one of the most corrupt countries in Europe. Corruption is encroaching on local government units despite its many consequences, which will be a subject of analysis.

The aim of this paper is to present the problem of corruption in local government entities. It addresses the sources and causes, as well as attempts to completely eliminate corruption from public life. The article serves as a review and introduction to the issues related to corruption in local government, its sources, and causes.

Anti-corruption prevention is an important element in combating corruption crime. This prevention is a complex system, consisting of formal and legal rules and regulations, organizational procedures, rules of professional ethics for local government officials, and activities aimed at raising awareness of responsibility and corruption risks. Interesting solutions are “Codes of Ethics” and “Anti-corruption Policies” introduced in local government offices. It should be emphasized that anti-corruption prevention must be constantly adapted to the changing situation of corruption threats.

Germany, as one of the leading European countries, is also engaged in comprehensive anti-corruption efforts. It is worth taking a look at anti-corruption practices in German local government, and particularly focusing on the case of the city of Bremen. German local government is characterized by a high degree of autonomy, which gives local authorities a great deal of freedom in managing their affairs. However, with this autonomy comes challenges in preventing and combating corruption. The city of Bremen, as one of the 16 states of the Federal Republic of Germany, represents a compelling research case because of its approach to fighting corruption. Understood as a free Hanseatic city (Freie Hansestadt Bremen) and a federal state (Bundesland), the city of Bremen exhibits advanced anti-corruption structures. Central to this is the Anti-Corruption Commission, which focuses on monitoring and combating all forms of corruption at the local level. This commission works in close cooperation with police authorities and internal control bodies. Bremen is taking proactive measures to prevent corruption. One of the key instruments is training programs aimed at local government employees, which cover public service ethics, accountability, and rules of conduct. In addition, there is a clear and transparent code of conduct for local government employees that specifies expected ethical standards. The City of Bremen recognizes the important role of civil society in combating corruption. These efforts focus on working with NGOs, conducting educational campaigns, and establishing communication channels for citizens to report cases of corruption. Public trust in local government institutions is therefore crucial, which confirms the introduced effectiveness of the anti-corruption measures. The case of the city of Bremen shows that the fight against corruption in German local government requires an integrated approach, combining proactive measures, cooperation with civil society and monitoring structures.

Corruption in a broad, general sense is perceived as an important social problem that occurs in all spheres of human activity. This phenomenon develops according to the dynamics of changes in a given society. What remains unchanged over the years is that the purpose of corruption is material goods and personal benefits. The subject of this article is the phenomenon of corruption occurring in penitentiary units in the context of their security. When considering the issue of corruption, particular attention should be paid to the judicial authorities and places where perpetrators of crimes, including persons convicted for bribery, are serving sentences, i.e. prisons or detention centers.

Postal Voting for Everyone? A Few Comments on the Amendment to the Electoral Code of June 14, 2024

Under Polish law, apart from voting by proxy, postal voting is an alternative form of voting for eligible categories of voters. Since the entry into force of the Electoral Code of 2011, this institution has experienced numerous transformations, including the group of entities with the right to vote by correspondence. The purpose of this article is to present and assess the changes within the discussed institution, introduced by the Act of June 14, 2024. The study expresses the position that the extension of postal voting to all voters generally deserves a positive reception, as long as it is treated as a guarantee of universality of elections. and an instrument eliminating restrictions on the possibility of freely exercising the right to vote. In the author’s opinion, however, it is inappropriate to present the introduced changes only in the context of the projected increase in voter turnout.

Comments on the Need to Amend Articles 201 and 203 of the Electoral Code

This article is devoted to proposals to amend Art. 201 and 203 of the Electoral Code. Currently, according to Art. 203, the change of the number of parliamentary seats in the constituebcies depends on the decision of the Sejm, which makes the changes on the motion of the State Election Commission. However, in practice, the Sejm may ignore this motion, thus violating the principle of equality of elections, as happened before the 2023 elections. Therefore the regulation of this issue should be entrusted to the President. Furthermore, the article draws attention to the fact that the minimum size of an electoral constituency in Sejm elections (7 seats) provided in Art. 201 is too low due to the high natural electoral threshold. It is therefore proposed that the smallest constituencies should comprise at least 14 seats, as only in such a constituency does the natural threshold equalise with the statutory threshold.

Considerations Regarding the Structure of the Term of Office of National Electoral Commission Members Appointed by the Sejm

The aim of the article is an answer to the question about interpretation of Art. 157 § 2c of the Electoral Code and Art. 158 § 1a and answer to the question whether the composition of the NEC should change at the end of the term of office of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland, or after 150 days from the date of elections to the Sejm. This problem became apparent at the turn of 2023 and 2024, when, after the parliamentary elections, the President withheld the appointment of a new NEC until 13 March 2024, even though the Sejm had already selected its candidates in December 2023. This problem is important, because the difference of several months in the new composition of the NEC may have significant consequences for the political system. The work uses the formal and legal method and analyzes the achievements of the doctrine.

Reserve Procedures for Appointing the Council of Ministers

The Council of Ministers should result from the President’s cooperation with the parliamentary majority. If this turns out to be impossible, the Constitution provides for reserve procedures, successively allowing other ways of forming the government (art. 154 s. 3 and art. 155 s. 1). The article presents constitutional issues regarding reserve procedures for the appointment of the Council of Ministers and an analysis of the applicability of these procedures in the event that the government is not created in the basic procedure (art. 154 sections 1 and 2). The article is indicates the role of the president and political groups represented in the Sejm in a situation where there is no parliamentary majority (2004), as well as when the parliamentary majority exists, but it is ignored by the president (2023). This statement may be important not only for the state of scientific reflection, but also for political practice.

The Possibility of Entrusting Citizens with the Independent Administration of Justice, Comments in the Context of Article 182 of the Constitution

The wording of Art. 182 of the Constitution is not uniformly interpreted. Such a state of affairs means that on its basis some doctrine builds the possibility of independent exercise of the judiciary by entities other than professional judges, while others claim the opposite. The text contains an analysis of Art. 182 of the Constitution, the purpose of which was to answer the question about the permissible forms of participation of citizens in the exercise of justice. The construction of Art. 182 means that it should be considered an incomplete regulation that gives room for the creation of projects, such as the one concerning magistrates. Its shape introduces uncertainty as to the dimension that this participation may take. However, the analysis allows us to conclude that we can only talk about the participation, and not about the independence of adjudication by entities other than professional judges.

On the Ideological Justification of the Foundations of the Legal System in the Polish Constitution on the Basis of Zygmunt Ziembiński’s Normative Conception of Sources of Law

The article presents a multifaceted analysis of legal phenomena, emphasizing the importance of Zygmunt Ziembiński’s developed normative concept, which considers both formal and sociological or psychological aspects of legal phenomena. The aim is to demonstrate this concept’s potential in constitutional law analysis, focusing on the ideological justification of the legal system based on the 1997 Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The logico-linguistic and dogmatic-legal analysis methods were employed. Conclusions indicate that the Polish Constitution, particularly its preamble and supreme principles, expresses important ideological elements that legitimize the legal system. These elements ground legal norms in socially and politically accepted values, supporting the system’s coherence and effectiveness. The article highlights that distinctive ideal norms, as meta-norms in the concept of the sources of law, are crucial for identifying and legitimizing norms within the legal system.

Possible Amendment of the Constitutional Regulations of the National Broadcasting Council – Necessary, Advisable or Unnecessary?

The author answers the question posed in the title of the paper on the basis of the analysis of doctrinal views and constitutional practice. He strongly advocates maintaining the constitutionalisation of the National Broadcasting Council, although he claims that the constitutional regulations shall be amended. He indicates which changes are necessary and which are advisable. The conclusion is that the two issues require necessary changes: first, the Council’s competencies related to the personal composition of the managing bodies of the public media and second, the appointment, dismissal and term of office of the members of the Council. The indicated changes include: the place of the Council in the structure of the Constitution; introduction of the duty to control abuses of freedom of speech, clarification that both obtaining and dissemination of information are under supervision, and control of broadcasting activity not only of public media but of all authorised entities.

The Consequences of the So-called Abortion Judgment (file ref. no. K 1/20) in the Field of Human Legal Personality

In the judgment file ref. no. K 1/20, the Constitutional Tribunal stated that the unborn child has dignity throughout the prenatal period and its life is subject to protection. The ruling moved the moment of acquiring legal personality from the moment of birth to conception. The author concludes that since the nasticurus has dignity, it should also be entitled to the constitutional rights and freedoms. The Correctness of the Tribunal’s ruling means that the legal provisions stating that legal capacity (subjectivity) is acquired at the moment of birth are inconsistent with the Constitution. The author claims the thesis that the implementation of these effects of the ruling would have downright revolutionary consequences for the Polish legal order and would constitute a departure from the traditionally perceived legal subjectivity of man. The author is satisfied that these effects have not been accepted in science, jurisprudence and legislation.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the jurisprudence of Constitutional Tribunal

This paper problematises the role of Universal Declaration of Human Rights with regard to assessing the compliance of a given normative act with the constitutional paradigm of control. It presents the analysis of the legal status of the international legal act in question together with the jurisprudence of Constitutional Tribunal in the scope covered by the discussion. The focus is on Universal Declaration of Human Rights, considered in the context of confirmation, strengthening and extending the constitutional standards. The core thesis posed in the analysis was that Universal Declaration of Human Rights is an essential tool of assessing the constitutional character of the legislation passed in the Republic of Poland. The methodology used in the analysis drew from legal dogmatics and theory of law.

Interparliamentary Cooperation in Treaties on Amity and Cooperation signed by Poland after 1989 with Western European Countries

This study presents an analysis of political agreements signed by Poland after 1989 with Western European countries, with which such treaties were not applied in the treaty practice of the Polish People’s Republic. It discusses interparliamentary cooperation and answers the research question of whether the treaties in question contain provisions relating to such cooperation and participation of parliament in international relations, and thus whether this type of cooperation is a manifestation of common interest of states, and if so, whether it has been given a proper rank and guarantees in its implementation. This analysis allows a conclusion that all political treaties signed by Poland after 1989 with Western European countries included provisions relating to interparliamentary cooperation, which is a manifestation of the states’ interest in such cooperation. They have been given an appropriate rank in the agreements, which proves that the parties to such agreements recognize the important role of this kind of cooperation.

Compensation in the Light of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the Civil Code

The article discusses the issue of compensation in the light of the provisions of the Polish Constitution and the Civil Code. The Constitution primarily deals with compensation for expropriation for public purposes, while the compensation provided in the Civil Code reflects the realization of the idea of justice, which is one of the fundamental principles of Polish private law, ensuring the compensation for the damage caused to rights and interests protected by law. The Constitution refers to just compensation, while the Civil Code speaks of full compensation. The author argues that these terminological differences do not deprive the entitled person, under both the Constitution and the Civil Code, of the right to full compensation. Referring to the situations discussed, the author demonstrates that, while the principle of full compensation is not an absolute rule and the law allows for compensation to be awarded at a lower amount than the actual damage, the same approach should apply to the constitutional principle of just compensation. To ensure satisfaction for individuals deprived of their rights through expropriation, the author proposes introducing a legal solution whereby an individual dissatisfied with the amount of compensation received could apply to a common court for a review of the compensation amount. This approach would, on the one hand, safeguard the public interest in acquiring the necessary rights to achieve a public purpose, while, on the other hand, protect those affected by expropriation through an independent body separate from the expropriation procedure participants.

Confrontational Stance of the Jurisprudence of the Polish and Romanian Constitutional Courts Towards the Primacy of the EU Law

The paper discusses the problem of confrontational stance within the jurisprudence of the Polish and Romanian constitutional courts concerning the primacy of the European Union law. Initially, these courts developed the EU-friendly interpretation of their constitutions. They also indicated the scope of the constitutional identity of the respective states based on general constitutional provisions in Poland and on unamendable provisions in Romania. Both courts questioned this kind of interpretation in 2021. The paper compares the CT and CC judgments, determining the scope of disagreement between constitutional courts and the European Union bodies, especially the CJEU. The problems to be compared were determined according to the rules adopted for comparative law and the comparative research method. The conclusion indicates that the political decisions of the legislative and executive authorities may disregard the confrontational stance of constitutional court jurisprudences.

Organic Law a la española – Constitutional Prerequisites and Position in the Hierarchy of Spanish Sources of Law

The article analyses the constitutional prerequisites defining organic laws as a Spanish source of law. It identifies the material and formal criteria identifying organic laws and examines how they relate to each other, particularly in the context of the principle of reserved matters and the importance of the procedure for enacting organic laws in situations of conflict with ordinary laws. In view of the fact that the Constitution of the Kingdom of Spain does not expressly indicate the place of the organic law in the hierarchy of sources of law, the article, based on the findings of Spanish constitutional law doctrine and the jurisprudence of the Spanish Constitutional Court, points out arguments in favour of the superior legal force of organic laws in relation to ordinary laws, thus demonstrating the specificity of the Spanish model of organic law.

Ireland’s March 2024 Constitutional Referendums. Has Ireland Taken a Step Back?

In Ireland, the institution of referendum is an important means of shaping the country’s political reality. As a result, the sovereign expresses his opinion on the most important issues, including changes to the constitution. Since the act was passed in 1937, citizens have voted on 40 amendments, 11 of which have been rejected. The last time this happened was on March 8, 2024. The 39 Amendment to the Constitution proposed to change the content of art. 41 so that it takes into account a broader concept of family. The purpose of amending Amendment No. 40 was expanding the concept of family care. The analysis presented in the text aims to present the circumstances that led to the rejection of the government’s proposal to change the constitution in the referendum. The research used primarily the legal and dogmatic method, as well as the decision-making and behavioral methods.

English question (West Lothian question) as a consequence of the UK’s „asymmetric” devolution

The article discusses one of the current political problems of the United Kingdom, expressed in the term: West Lothian question. It follows the introduction of „asymmetric” devolution arrangements in the UK and asks whether members of parliament from Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales sitting in the House of Commons should vote on matters relating to England, while MPs from England cannot vote on matters which were passed on to the Northern Ireland Assembly, the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Parliament. The study explains the causes and essence of the „English question” and its political consequences. Moreover, the authors analyzed and assessed proposals to solve the analyzed dilemma and tried to indicate the most optimal solution.

The Institution of the Children’s Commissioner for England as an Element of the Political System of the United Kingdom

The article is devoted to the analysis of the activities of the Children’s Commissioner for England. The experience allows us to draw conclusions regarding the activities and specificity of the constitutional institution dealing with protecting children’s rights in England. Also, it confirms that multi-faceted support and coordination effectively strengthen the protection of the rights of the youngest. This article aims to draw attention to selected aspects related to the activities of the Children’s Commissioner in England, including presenting the latest reports diagnosing the state of protection of children’s rights, including The Big Ambition, which was a large-scale consultation with England’s children conducted from September 2023 to January 2024. The author tries to demonstrate that the institution of the Children’s Commissioner in England plays an important political role, and its activities confirm the commitment to the protection of children’s rights, which ultimately brings positive results in this area.

Neutrality of the Polish Armed Forces in Political Matters from the Point of View of Program Norms

The subject of the article is the regulation of the political neutrality of the Polish Armed Forces regulated by the Constitution 1997. The article goes beyond the findings of constitutional law and takes into account the views of legal theory. The article analyzes the neutrality from the perspective of aspirational norms (policies) and values. The text links the generic features of aspirational norms to political neutrality and answers three questions: who is the addressee of the norm (to whom does neutrality refer), what is the required behaviour (what is the activity of „preserving neutrality”) and what is the purpose of the required behaviour (what is the political neutrality of the Armed Forces)?

The Register of Sexual Offense Perpetrators as a Dimension of the Implementation of the Constitutional Principle of Protection of Children’s Rights

Since 2016, there have been legal instruments for collecting and sharing data about people who have been convicted of selected statutory sexual offenses. The Register of Sexual Offenders is a form of preventive activity of the state in the context of counteracting sexual crime. The study in question is an attempt to determine the importance of the Register of Sexual Offenders as an expression of the state’s activity to create a safe sphere of children’s sexual freedom. Children, as entities requiring special protection, should have additional guarantees regarding their safety for proper development. The role of the state in this respect is an additional instrument of influence. The analysis was carried out solely on the basis of the constitutional principle of protection of children’s rights by the state.

Non-Discrimination as a Constructive Element of Reasonable Accommodation in the Context of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities

In a multicentric system of law, apart from dignity, the category of equality, which is not only a systemic principle but also meta-law, must be attributed key significance. The same applies to non-discrimination, which is inherent to it. And although one may have the impression that research devoted to the latter remains in the shadow of investigations on the paradigm of equality as such, there are areas in the social discourse in which the burden of analysis shifts towards this prohibition of discrimination, contributing scholarly interest to it. This is exemplified by the subject matter of disability and a special category of human rights, that is the rights of persons with disabilities. Suffice it to say that non-discrimination is not only a sine qua non condition for effective protection of this social group, but also – and perhaps even above all – a constructive element of ensuring reasonable accommodation established by national and international law (including EU law) in force. This is a category that appears in the shadow of research on the wide-ranging issues of accessibility and rights of people with disabilities. This thesis is affirmed by the present study, whose main goal is to confront the categories of reasonable accommodation with the fundamental value and principle of non-discrimination.

Different European democracies react differently to anti-democratic political trends, including the growing power of ‘dubious’ political parties and their leaders. This article focuses on the situation of the Czech Republic and, by tracing the evolution within the party system after 1989, in the light of the assumptions of the concept of militant democracy, seeks to establish whether anti-democratic actions can be prevented by using non-democratic methods and means. Since 2013 we can observe radical changes in the party system and the changing dynamics of party competition. The authors of the article assume that while decommunization remains an important process of shaping the democratic identity of Czechs, it is simultaneously generating Eurosceptic sentiment and leading to an increase in the popularity of parties referring to the communist legacy. The analysis is conducted using the institutional-legal method.

The article attempts to analyze the issue of the systemic effects of the constitutional defects of a constitutional court’s ruling on the legal order of a constitutional state. This systemic problem, relatively rarely observed in practice – characteristic in the sense of a model analysis for constitutional crises – however has occurred in recent years, among others, in Poland, which causes many theoretical and consequently practical problems that require solution. The study is a voice in the discussion in this area, adopting a theoretical perspective for the analysis of these issues, based primarily on contemporary general and specific assumptions of the constitutional theory.

This article focuses on the appropriateness of the existing binary division of paid employment relations, in the light of the Constitutional principle of the protection of every work (Article 24), given the employment challenges posed by the technological revolution, referred to as Revolution 4.0. This article ends with the conclusion that the precarisation of paid employment today calls for measures to include dependent workers in the scope of labour law regulation. It is, therefore, necessary to move away from the binary distinction between self-employed considered as entrepreneurs and employees in an employment relationship and address labour law regulations to workers with dependent status within the former category.

The current Constitution of the Republic of Poland was enacted in 1997. The rights and freedoms of the individual are contained in Chapter II. The regulation of the situation of the individual in the state resulted from international law on individual rights contained in international documents ratified by Poland. Chapter II, containing a catalogue of human rights and freedoms, is divided into six subchapters. In Romania, work on the constitution began in July 1990. The new constitution was adopted on 1991. Title II was dedicated to fundamental rights, freedoms and duties. In 2003, the Romanian Constitution was amended following a referendum. Rights, freedoms and duties were also included in Title II. The article compares the catalogue of human rights and freedoms in the constitutions of Poland (1997) and Romania (2003) in the context of international documents and international law. The leading method is an institutional-legal analysis.

In the legal sciences, the issue of water availability as a new human right has been gaining at importance in recent years. In the European Union, work is currently underway to enact the equivalent of the European Green Deal – i.e. the European Blue Deal, which will be dedicated exclusively to water issues. The purpose of this article is to analyze how the emerging comprehensive EU water strategy takes into account the legal and human dimensions of problems related to access to water and water poverty, and whether it provides for effective instruments to protect the right to water in the European Union. The work previously attempted to systematize the concepts of water security, then pointed to the most important legal acts constituting the so-called right to water and defining its elements. Subsequently, selected provisions of the EBD exposing the legal-human dimension of access to water, were presented.

Report. XVI International Scientific Conference on Human Rights „75 years of the Council of Europe’s influence on shaping the European legal space in the areas of democracy, the rule of law and the protection of human rights” Warsaw, 14–16 April 2024