The work discloses the main results of the study of the effect of earthquakes on the economic safety of the Kyrgyz Republic, in particular, the increase in unemployment, the growth of governmental expenses. The article also presents the technique of calculating the cost of human life in order to assess the actual loss due to the under-produced GDP.

The article emphasizes that Ukraine is not completely ready for the accession to the European Union structures, which is caused by internal political and economic problems. The accession is being hindered by a kind of dilemma between West and East, where Russia, considering Ukraine to be its exclusive area of influence, has a serious impact. Pro- European Ukrainian policy reflects its aspirations to become economically independent from Russia and integrate with European countries. On the other hand the European Union’s policy towards Ukraine is not a uniform conception; it is based on interactions directed for gradual reinforcement of cooperation. In Ukraine expressing a tendency to soft authoritarianism, which might be observed in the government’s activity, especially president’s Yanukovych could turn out to be the greatest threat. Ukraine’s ministrations are a kind of border that wishes to keep a similar distance between the European Union and Russia. Democratic standards are one of the most important premises of the evaluation of government’s pro- European attitude.

The Caspian Sea has been perceived as one of the most important regions of the world for a very long time, mainly thanks to huge oil deposits and the accompanying petroleum gas. States situated at the waters shared zones of influence and the situation has been stable for many years. The collapse of the Soviet Union lead to rapid changes in this region. As a result of new countries coming into existence, there appeared a need for one more demarcation of zones of sea influence. Unfortunately, such a treaty has not been signed yet and the situation in the region is getting more and more severe. Azerbaijan as well as Turkmenistan wants to build pipelines towards Western Europe while Russia at any price wants to prevent it. There is also an intense situation concerning Georgia and the really hard Iranian problem – American relations. Maybe the region of the Caspian Sea is not the Persian Gulf but a threat of a war there is really possible as well as the so called „Georgian scenario”.

India is currently in third place in terms of the number of activities in the area of university cooperation (total in 2013 was 36 projects carried out), 24 French universities declared their cooperation with India. Signed agreements between universities which relate primarily to education, student exchange and research. Training in the field of humanities, management, political science. It should be noted, however, that university cooperation between France and India is not part of the steps taken in the area signed by the partnership.

В статье представлены вопросы развития экологической политики Республики Казахстан с момента обретения независимости в декабре 1991 года по настоящее время. Далее в тексте описываются изменения в политике по охране окружающей среды и рациональному использованию природных ресурсов. Мы представили три основных периода изменения в экологической политике страны. Первый, охватывающий 1991–1997 годы, характеризуется процессом строительства независимости и развития законодательства на принципах государственного суверенитета. Второй, охватывающий 1997–2006 годы, этап развития природоохранного законодательства Республики Казахстан характеризуется включением правового регулирования общественных отношений рыночных механизмов, основанных на учреждению частной собственности. Заключительный этап, с 2006 по настоящее время, начинается с системы управления экологического права в совокупном законе: Экологический кодекс Республики Казахстан.

The subject of this article is the history of the discovery and colonization of the Aleutian and Commander Islands, the situation of the indigenous peoples and the geostrategic position of the archipelago. This region, although it is of minor importance for global security, is an important element in the history and politics of both the United States and Russia. The author describes the discovery and colonization of the region by Vitus Bering and follow activities of the Russian-American Company of Commerce. Further he discusses the related oppression and exploitation of the local population, forced into slave labour for the trade posts. The author then describes the sale of Alaska and the adjoining Aleutian Islands, and the times of the Cold War, when the archipelago was used as a place of military provocation with the use of strategic weapons of mass destruction. The last discussed historical event is the signing of the Baker-Shevardnadze agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union, which marked the border between the two countries on the Bering Sea. Up until today the agreement has not been signed by the Russian side.

The aim of this article is to present several certain issues concerning the activityof the Polish Mission serving in the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission in Korea. This Mission has been in existence since 1953, however the author chose to describe its activity only until 1989. Several important problems, connected mostly with Poles’ living conditions, relations with their North Korean hosts and undertaken counterintelligence measures, has been pointed out in this text. While working on the article, the author exploited archives of the Institute of National Remembrance that have not been widely used by other scholars until this day. It seems however that those documents present considerable value and enable us to perform better research on various aspects of the Polish Mission’s activity. Despite the existence of several works devoted to Pole’s service in NNSC, this subject has not been fully completed. This article, as a matter of fact, is also nothing more than pointing at several potential possibilities of undertaking further research.

The paper describes the most important issues related to Russia`s energy empire project. Building of South Stream and North Stream are key issues for the success of the Russian project that envisages a gas resources as a tool of shaping political and economical reality in Europe. If successful, Russian monopoly for gas supplies would be strengthen, relations between key EU players would be closer and Russia`s position in Europe, so important for the international relations, would be finally stabilized. However it`s hard to predict if demand for Russian gas in Europe would be permanent. Competitive prices for LNG resources and possible shelf gas import from the USA are the symptoms of the possible problems that could be a threat for the Russian vision in which international relations are shaped by the energetic resources.

The election of Aleksander Kwaśniewski for president of Poland in December 1995 vastly improved Poland-Russia relations. In 1996 Moscow set up an exhibition of documents relating to the years 1939-1941, including the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact. During the ten years, four volumes of Katyn. Documents of crime. were completed. Further claim negotiations with Russia were interrupted by a bill passed on 5th February 1997 by the State Duma (the lower house of the Federal Assembly of Russia) concerning law of possession of cultural goods, transferred into the Soviet Union as a result of the Second World War, staying on Russian Federation territory. It recognized all works of art and archives seized by the Red Army as the property of Russia. The lack of access to Russian archives because of limitations introduced by the Russian president’s decree of 2nd June 2001, about state security. In 1997 the Polish side managed to negotiate the return of the Wilanów collection an 18th century painting by Pompeo Batoni, showing Apollo and two Muses, from Pavlovsk palace, located near Saint Petersburg. Poland, as a part of the Council of Europe programme Reconstruction of the Memory of Poland, gathers information about sources concerning Poland and Polish people during the years 1772–1945, as well as works on methodology of research and on completing in formation about sources scattered around the world, in different countries. Furthermore, Poland within the programme schedule, supported financially Russian activists working on digitalisation and computerisation of the Comintern Archive. Russian President Vladimir Putin during his visit to Poland in January 2002 passed to President Aleksander Kwaśniewski’s hands copies of more than a dozen private documents of Władysław Sikorski. The Polish Ministry of Culture identified ten works of art taken away from Poland to the Soviet Union in 1945, by the trophy brigades, including church goods that complied with the Duma’s conditions from 2004, such as Głogów Madonna by Lukas Cranach The Elder (from the collegiate church in Głogów) and the 15th century Forest Landscape by Jan Brueghel the Elder (from the City Museum in Gdańsk). The presidency of Lech Kaczyński during the years 2005–2010 cooled Polish- Russian relations. Russiaphobia reached the level of an official policy of the Polish state. From that moment on, Polish claims towards Russia were seen in Moscow as proof of anti-Russia views, not as a natural right to regain lost property, private or public. Not until the president’s plane crash on 10th April 2010, in which 96 people died, did Polish-Russian relations become a little warmer. Russian TV even broadcast Andrew Wajda’s film Katyn, giving Russian society a chance to find out about one of Stalin’s crimes. On 28th April 2010 the President of the Russian Federation Dmitrij Miedwiediew informed, that some unknown to historians up until then documents about Katyn were found. A part of them were published on the Federal Archive Service of Russia’s website (about 400 thousand pages). In 2010 the Madonna with child painting by Lukas Cranach The Elder was recovered from Russia. In 2012 the Republic of Poland took action in order to recover other cultural goods, including a) Juliusz Słowacki’s manuscript, the Journal of travel to the East, b) almost ten thousand items from the Malbork Numismatics Collection, c) two altar wings from the Silesian Museum of Artistic Craft and Ancient Times in Wrocław, d) miniatures by Hans Holbein the Younger, portraying Gdańsk merchant, Johann Schwarzwaldt, e) a silver whistle of Gdańsk skippers from the 15th century, f) hand-written inventory of new purchases of the Jacob Kabrun’s collection from the City Museum of Gdańsk, g) an unknown painter’s work: Madonna with the Infant and a parrot against a landscape background. Polish diplomatic note however, remained without any response...

The history of the Lemko and Karaim minority in the territory of Poland oscillates mainly around the struggle to preserve the ancient customs, tradition, and culture, while aiming at coexistence in contemporary society. The statutes of the associations and foundations established over the years imply diligent care about history, thus enabling the neighbouring society to become acquainted with the distinctness of these minorities. Various actions provide equal opportunities in education and also contribute to the appeasement of the stereotypes and prejudice accumulated throughout the years.

The Protestants in the Eastern Borderlands were a part of a diverse environment regarding religion – there were Orthodox Christians in Volhynian, Polesie and Nowogródek Voivodeships, Greek Catholics in Lviv, Stanisławów and Tarnopol Voivodeships, as well as Roman Catholics in Vilnius and Białystok Voivodeships. Members of the Evangelical Church were also strangers there when it comes to their nationality, since the society consisted mainly of Poles, Ukrainians, Jews and Belarusians. The role of churches was much more extensive than in other regions of the Second Polish Republic. In Volhynia it was particularly difficult to separate certain branches of the Church’s activity. With the absence of social, cultural, national or political organisations, the Church took over all their duties. The clergymen were the unquestionable leaders of the German community and the Church took up the task of organising the Germans nation-wide. Evangelical churches in the Eastern Borderlands were basically not politically active and they also showed a loyal attitude towards the Polish state. The fact that on the threshold of the Second Polish Republic they broke the reliance on foreign centres was very significant – this was not done for example by the Evangelical United Church in Greater Poland or Pomerania. Evangelical churches from the territories annexed by Russia and Austria had a positive attitude towards the issue of Polish nationality, which derived from the fact, that those churches were never privileged, as opposed to the Evangelical United Church. German Protestants were always living there, far beyond the reach of German authorities, apart from the German occupation period during the First World War. That is why they considered their status of a national and religious minority as completely natural. German Protestants lived there in harmony with fellow believers of other nationalities: Polish, Czech, Jewish and Ukrainian. This mosaic of nationalities distinguished churches in that region from those located in Western or Central Poland. This peaceful coexistence was interrupted only by single Polish-German incidents. They were mainly caused by the state authorities’ activities, who wanted to grant Polish Protestants greater control over churches. This happened for instance in Białystok and Lviv.

There are main problems of contemporary German foreign policy towards Eastern European countries presented in this article. Crucial issues such as relations with Russia, also from the Partnership for Modernisation’s point of view, are analyzed herein. German-Polish relations in the view of Eastern Policy are described as well as triangular cooperation between Berlin, Warsaw and Moscow. There is also Germany’s attitude towards the Eastern Partnership and Germany’s standpoint on conflicts in Transnistria or the Russia–Georgia War of 2008 analyzed in this paper.

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The article describes the electoral process in the Republic of Belarus during the elections to the House of Representatives of the National Assembly in 2012. The author, a long-term observer of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee, on one of the constituencies in Brest describes the campaign since the announcement of the election and until the counting of votes. Although the article illustrates the constituencies located in just one city, their typicality allows you to see existing trends across the country. The article presents the author’s analysis of the campaign, with the subsequent evaluation of each of its parts. The accent is on the compliance of proceedings of the main actors in the electoral process according to the legal acts regulating this process. In order that the reader can get an idea of the realities of Belarusian politics, the article presents and describes parts of the Election Code, the Act about Local government and other legal acts regulating elections in each of the different stages.

The accuracy of work and its value is confirmed by the fact that it is based on primary sources. These are my own observations, reports of independent observers, interviews with candidates for parliament, representatives of political and social organizations, correspondence with election commissions.

The main aim of the proposals for the Cohesion Policy 2014–2020, is to simplify the individual elements of policies. The legislative changes at EU level must be accompanied by initiatives at national level and regional simplification of procedures for beneficiaries. It is therefore proposed that each of the Member States should be set clear objectives in this area.

The author analyses the relationship between the groups representing territorial interests and lobbying in the European Union. She points out the genesis of formation of representative offices of the regions in Brussels at the end of the eighties, highlighting the interdependence of the process and the reforms of the EU regional policy. She also draws attention to the impact of intensive cooperation between the European Commission and the regions with a kind of “avoidance” of the state-level, which according to many researchers of European integration have led to the formation of a multi-level system of power. In the later part of her work the author stresses the reasons for and motives of establishing of the regional offices in Brussels. Activity in this direction is shown not only by the regions of federal states that have competence in the area of foreign policy, but also by the majority of the territorial entities below the central level of unitary states. Explanations for this phenomenon are ambiguous. The reasons for such activity of the regions include: the transfer of competences from nation-state level to the supranational level, the mechanisms of adaptation and the Europeanization of the lobbying activity. In conclusion, the author draws attention to the lack of research in the field of formation, evolution and importance of the territorial/regional interests in the European Union, indicating their potential to explain the changes taking place in the European Union Member States due to the impact caused by their affiliation with this organization.

Europe is currently undergoing a deep crisis of values. In today’s circumstances, spreading basic democracy values, as well as presenting mature democratic culture is an important political task. An institution called for the purpose of supporting democracy development, human rights and lawful ruling in member states is the Council of Europe. One of its special activities is supporting young people’s contribution to public life, through creating schools of political studies. The first school of political sciences was created in Moscow in 1992, set up by a group of civil society activists in order to promote democracy values. Its success encouraged others to create such schools in other countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. Currently, there are nineteen schools operating, including two outside Europe, in Morocco and Tunisia. Seven of them were founded in newly independent countries, formed after the Soviet Union fell. The dynamic growth of political studies schools created the need of having a network of them (Network of the Schools of Political Studies (NSPS)). The network helps to coordinate tasks, to exchange experience, as well as to strengthen the schools’ education programmes in connection with the Council of Europe. Schools’ positive input the promotion of the Council of Europe democracy standards enabled plans to gradually widen the network into other countries. Schools definitely need greater support from international - including European - institutions. Schools are in need of political and moral programme support. Schools’ further development demands are mainly financial stability. Countries formed in the Soviet Union’s ruins are still struggling, building the basis of democracy. Their admission to the Council of Europe did not change that fact. Many of them have not yet dealt with the communist past and old practices. That is why political schools’ activities are still so important. It is also about the change of generations, about creating staff, a group of people who through their active participation in public, economic or social life would inform society about the ideas and values of democracy, its norms and the role each citizen plays in it.

Vladimir Putin was one of the most successful politicians of the first decade of the twenty-first century. Embracing in 2000 as president of the Russia Federation he took over the country in a deep social, political and economic crisis, a country that lost its place among the world powers and its international authority. Vladimir Putin has managed to stabilize the internal situation of the country, to carry out a number of effective reforms. The first two Putin’s terms in office were a success and he became one of the most popular Russian politicians. Elected in 2012 for the third time in the office of president Vladimir Putin faces major challenges and this term could be very difficult for the Russian president. Russian citizens expect the rule of law, the fight against corruption and democratization. It is widely believed that if Russia wants to develop there must be a far-reaching modernization of the political and economic system. In internal relations the Russian political elite is facing a huge challenge: to modernize the country without compromising the power and privileges of the political elite. Russian external relations will have to deal with the problems associated with the consequence of the so-called “shale gas revolution”. The Russian authorities also need to look for an answer to the question of how to effectively and efficiently carry out the process of building the regional political and economic alliance formed in the Eurasian Union. These challenges will be the main focus of Vladimir Putin during his third term as president of the Russia Federation.

The article analyses the development stages of the regional social organisation, Belaya Rus, created in 2004 in Grodno. During the past couple of years, attempts to convert it into the party of power – similar to the United Russia – have been noted. Currently the Belaya Rus numbers around 130 thousand members and has complex structures all around the country. Since 2004 the Belaya Rus has been gaining more and more influence in both parliament and local government. Its transformation into a political party is only a matter of time.

Until the fall of the Soviet Union in December 1991, there was no possibility for Poland to regain its cultural heritage seized during the Second World War. From 1945 till 1991 Poland received from Moscow only a small percentage of the archives taken away, collections of books, works of art and monuments – usually as a gift from the soviet nation. That is why the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, as well as the process of regaining independence by former Soviet republics created the need of negotiations about Polish cultural goods with each of the Soviet Union’s successors.

On 22nd May 1992 in Moscow, a treaty was signed between the Polish Republic and the Russian Federation about friendly and good-neighbourly relations. Back then, President Boris Yeltsin gave President Wałęsa documents from the Jozef Piłsudski Modern History Institute, as well as two portfolios containing copies of documents about the Katyń massacre. Furthermore, in May 1992 the Auschwitz books returned to Poland, taken away in 1945 and stored in a Special Archive in Moscow, now owned by Auschwitz Museum. It was only a fraction of the Polish artefacts possessed then by Russia. From 29th June 1992 the Military Archive Council of the Ministry of National Defence was operating in Moscow and it revised more than 4 million files, out of which 430 thousand documents were copied, coming from the Special Archive (Osobyj archiv) and from the Russian State Military Archive, that concerned Polish people in the Soviet Union from 1939 till 1940, as well as the Katyń massacre.

During 22nd–23rd February 1993, the Head Office of the State Archives of the Polish Republic and the Archive Committee of the Russian Federation Government agreed on a source publishing titled Katyń. Documents of crime. Based on article 17th of the Polish-Russian treaty from 22nd May 1992 about friendly and good-neighbourly cooperation, on 22nd February 1994 both governments signed an agreement about graves and memorials of war and repression victims. The Russian side announced that in May 1994 exhumation works would begin in Katyń and Mednoye. As a result of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs‘ diplomacy, on 18th May 1994 in Warsaw an agreement about cooperation in revealing and returning cultural goods transferred to another country, was signed. In October 1994 Polish- Russian commission on revealing and returning cultural goods transferred to another country was gathered. The Polish side presented a list of wanted objects. Found files were to be returned to the other party. However, firstly Poland was demanding the return of the archives, which were supposed to be given away according to the Treaty of Riga and, up until 17th September 1939, were not.

The State Social and Political History Archive of the Russian Federation in Moscow include a very interesting document, dating back to April 1944. It is a statement made by Włodzimierz Sokorski, back then the deputy leader of the Polish 1st Tadeusz Kościuszko Infantry Division, addressed to the Soviet authorities. In a servile, obsequious form, he assures about his absolute loyalty towards the Soviet state and the communist ideology. He explains how comrades from the Union of Polish Patriots and the Central Bureau of Polish Communists falsely accused him of political assaults and wanted to throw him out of any power over post-war Poland’s fate. He guarantees his utter loyalty towards Moscow.

This document is connected to the once famous argument among Polish communists about the shape of the post-war state, inspired by the announcement of the so called Theses no. 1. In that conflict, Sokorski stood against the majority of the Union of Polish Patriots’ leaders, presenting a solution for Poland as a vassal to the Soviets, with the army having the same political role as the communist party. Sokorski lost the case, but thanks to Moscow’s support, he did not leave the game yet. The Kremlin probably assessed, that he would be useful after the war. After a short quarantine, he came back to the so called first echelon of Polish communist authorities.

I am publishing this statement along with accompanying documents found in an archive portfolio.

This article refers not only to the biography of Wilhelm Storosta (Vydunas) and his works and creations but more to his intellectual, philosophical and literary influence on the next generations of Lithuanian political and cultural elite. Storosta (1868-1953) most of his active life spent in East Prussia, in Tylsit (now Sovietsk) his was the teacher and preceptor of Lithuanian youth, founder of theaterы and folk circles that reconstructed the unique beauty of Lithuanian cultural legacy deeply rooted in pre-Christian tradition. Storosta studied philosophy and anthropology in Berlin and Leipzig. There he discovered firm relations between Baltic nations (philology, ethnology) and Indo-European tradition. His output is often called by his domestic followers and researchers “vydunism”, and it is the inspiration for studies in many branches of human sciences (eg. ethnography, ethnology, culture and religious studies). In the 70’s in occupied Lithuania there appeared many folk circles of a hidden anti-Soviet character what then beget generation of activists of the Lithuanian national revival of the 80’s and 90’s. But there’s one another interesting aspect of Vydunas’ creativeness – his theatrical productions. Such pieces as: “Shadows of ancestors”, “Star’s itineraries” or “Sea bells” that were translated into the Polish language and had an impact on the Polish intelligentsia in Vilnius before WWII. The Author tried to reconstruct in his theatrical works an atmosphere of pre-Christian Lithuanian culture that inspires even today many activists of pagan cults and movements. Back in the 20’s associations were formed called “Romuva” aimed at the rebirth of ancient Lithuanian tradition and religious culture. Therefore it is no exaggeration when we call today Vydunas one of great fathers of Lithuanian national identity.

The Contemporary polytechnic composition of the Republic of Kazakhstan’s population has been forming over a very long time. However, the social and political events of the 19th and 20th centuries had the most noticeable impact on the process, primarily forced relocation of various social and ethnic groups in the Russian Empire, among which there were Poles. The fate gathered in contemporary Kazakhstan members of 130 nations, in East Kazakhstan alone there are 105, including about 500 people of Polish nationality or origin. They ended up in a distant country at various times and for various reasons, and for many of them, in time Kazakhstan has become a second home. These people came to the Kazakh land often not of their own volition. They were mostly members of the liberation movement in Poland in the 30s and 60s of the 19th century. Deportees, people of different age and occupations: poets, painters, doctors, architects, lawyers and many others. This article is about them and their ancestors. They left a huge mark on the history and culture of our country, but it is not only the fate of Poles in Eastern Kazakhstan, which we should like to talk about. There are a lot of tchem and of various origins. The more we find out about us and about our neighbours, the less space will remain in our hearts for the stereotypes and distrust, the more we gain understanding and respect for each other.

It has been 20 years since the collapse of the once great power – the Soviet Union. In its whole area new states were formed. It’s hard to say that this positively affected the economies of the young states. The first decade of independence affected all these countries very badly – the delay towards the developed countries in terms of productivity intensified, the rate of economic growth slowed down, the wealth of the population of these countries decreased catastrophically. The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and its institutions, created before the year 1994, clearly could not cope with the existing problems, and did not allow full use of its integration potential. The Integration Group of Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC) is currently the widest formal integration of the post-Soviet space. The countries belonging to it have officially chosen to create transnational bodies, the Customs Union and the Common Economic Space. The EurAsEC currently has a free trade area, at the same time the next goal is to create a united customs territory. If successful, the Customs Union will transform into a new union inhabited by 167 million people with a combined GDP of 2 trillion dollars and trade in goods of 900 billion dollars.

The Article describes the history of the Aviation Plant “Anatra” in Odessa, one of the largest companies in this sector in the Russian Empire. The evolution of the company from the workshop, which operated under the Odessa flying club, to a large group, combining several plants is studies. Analysed the production program of “Anatra”. Noted that, in its early years the basis of the production program were French aircraft designs. Since mid-1916 aircraft production began building aircraft of its own design - “Anade” and “Anasal”. Intensive development of the company due to several factors: the owner of the company had sufficient capital, he was interested in the development of Anatra aircraft production, and above all – a sharp increase in orders from the War Department, caused by the First World War

China for many years was self-sufficient in meeting their needs for energy. Even in the late 80’s and 90’s of the twentieth century, China had an important place among oil exporters. At the end of the last century, China’s energy situation began to change rapidly, from an exporter it turned into an importer of energy resources. Currently, the amount of oil imported from overseas outweighs the domestic production and the PRC in terms of import is ranked third in the world after the U.S. and Japan.

China’s demand for energy has its impact on the relations of this superpower with other countries, and thus affects the state of international relations. An important role is played by the safety implications of obtaining energy. Sea lanes, by which is supplied most of China’s oil from the Middle East, Africa and South

America, are patrolled by U.S. naval forces. It strikes at the ambition of Beijing, who wants to play the role of a world superpower, so the program was initiated to increase the presence of the Chinese fleet in the waters of the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean. China’s growing demand for energy has brought it into direct competition with the source of energy for both with the United States and with the countries of Western Europe. Experts are of the opinion that the depletion of oil reserves in the future will lead to a conflict not only between the U.S. and China but this group may include: the European Union, Japan, Brazil and India. Adopted by the Chinese government’s energy strategy for the coming years, mainly includes measures to reform the national energy sector. The main objective is to increase its efficiency, expansion of oil and gas pipelines, and creating a system of institutions responsible for energy policy. It should also be noted intense efforts to diversify energy import sources and types of energy. The strategy of China’s energy security, scheduled for a period of transformation and economic growth is based on the principles of peaceful coexistence in the world. In economic relations with other countries, the Chinese promote dialogue based on achieving mutual benefit. At the same time, they are very consistent, and sometimes ruthless in the realisation of the strategic objectives.

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