Authors in this article present the findings of the research project on the leadership and the ethnopolitics in Tatarstan. They are making an attempt to conceptualise the ethnocratic leadership, they characterise the existing model of leadership through the ethnopolitics and Russian regionalism. The research leads to the conclusion that as a result of the Tatarisation of the political regime an ethnocratic model of leadership has been formed in the republic. The model shows some hybrid characteristics and constitutes peculiar synthesis of ethno-politics, authoritarianism and clannishness with the elements of the facade democracy. This model of leadership is manifested in different forms and shapes depending on the specific environment, as well as political and situational contexts. Much attention was paid to the genesis and evolution of this model of leadership and its links with the republican elite which recruitment, circulation and legitimacy is strongly connected with the ethnicization of politics.

In the first half of 1990s, Lithuanian–Belarusian relationships were characterised by their low intensity. This situation remained unchanged also when Alexander Lukashenko came to power in Belarus in 1994. Lithuania and Belarus followed a completely different course in their political, economic and military integration. The European and Atlantic course won in the Lithuanian politics, while in the Belarusian politics the Eastern direction prevailed. After presidential elections in 2001, bilateral relations in Belarus were frozen. Only in 2007 there was a convergence of Lithuanian and Belarusian interests, when increasing Russian influence started to pose a threat to their sovereignty. There was a new opening in Lithuanian policy towards Belarus. Political and economic cooperation tightened. An extent of Lithuanian investments in Belarus also increased. Belarus has played an increasingly important role in Lithuanian politics. Lithuania also acts as a mediator in a conflict between Belarus and EU. Both countries also criticised Russian involvement in the Ukrainian conflict. In the nearest future, further development of economic and political cooperation between these two countries should be expected.

The purpose of this article is to verify the correctness, actuality and purposefulness of the ‘Novorossia’ concept in relation to Ukraine. The author presents ethnical, historical and electoral processes in Ukraine in the context of development of the idea and concept of Novorossia, he rebuts the concept of Novorossia as both ethnically and electorally inadequate to meet political realities in Ukraine.

Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary established a closer relationship in the late eighties and early nineties of the twentieth century as a result of the fight against the communist system. In these difficult times interconnection helped to develop common goals to achieve. A similar level of development and the geopolitical situation in the three countries activated the society to act. Accession to the European Communities and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was the main priority in those years. However, accession criteria were quite a challenge and only joint actions in this direction enable the challenges posed by the Member States of these organizations. This article presents the beginnings of cooperation Polish, Czechoslovakia and Hungary formed mainly within the Visegrad Triangle, included the difficulties that were to be overcome. It shows all steps in the development of regional relations and the way to democracy and a market economy. The complexity and spontaneity of this process is an important example of informal, and effective cooperation between countries, which has been going for over two decades.

Effective process of creating the national brand should be related to the current image of the country, perceived by international public opinion – also through the prism of stereotypes existing in society. Wondering if the there is a possibility to make use of existing beliefs as a method to create brand of the country, the survey among viewes of “Poland. Come and Complain” advertisement was conducted. The study presented in this article, attempt to answer the question about the possible risks and benefits which may result from using stereotypes in the branding process. The outcome of research conducted among a group of international students indicate differences both in their opinions about Poland and Polish people and campaign reception, allow to draw a conclusions. These however may be useful in the process of national branding creation, especially for Eastern European countries which still face the problem of negative image.

Relations of Poland with the Korean Peninsula countries are determined by liberal paradigm set on the development of economic cooperation, especially in the areas of relations with the Republic of Korea, strengthened by the development of cultural relations. South Korea is an important partner of Poland and the development of bilateral cooperation should mainly be concentrated in the areas of modern technologies, environment protection and power industry. Polish foreign policy is oriented on winning direct foreign investments, access to up-todate technologies and winning trade areas for Polish products, mainly from agricultural sector.

The Visegrad Group (V4) is an informal, regional form of cooperation: Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. The article is about making intensify cooperation in the field of building energetic safety between four countries and a mechanism of cooperation with third countries in the “V4+” format, building energetic networking with countries outside Group, for example Croatia, Romania, Bulgaria. There were several political declaration about building market coupling to strength energetic safety. The documents sets out the conditions of cooperation in the fields of energetic safety and the reinforcement of energy security in the region. The main problem in the group is Russia. Hungary is seen as having taken a ‘special path’ with relation with Russia. The deal Hungary-Russia about blocks of Paks nuclear power covers constructing the new blocks and fuel supplies for increase Hungary’s energy independence. It could be against main aim of UE energetic policy to making one UE energetic policy, in the V4 group also. The perspective for V4 are not very optimistic because of different geopolitical interest of members Group in spite of political declaration for strengthening Energy cooperation.

Katyn crime, also known as the Katyn massacre, committed on the orders of the authority of the Soviet country, then treated as classified information, finally totally denied, was one of those historical facts that were kept secret for a very long time. From 1943 when it was revealed to 1990 the soviet Union denied their responsibility for the massacre. It changed on 13 April 1990 when the government agency TASS released the official statement confirming the soviet commission of the crime. Therefore I found it very sensible to analyze the problem of Katyn crime in various history course books in Poland and Russia, formerly The Soviet Union.

In the communist times in Poland the authors of history course books generally omitted the problem although surprisingly it appeared in so called Stalin times and in the eighties when Poland was governed by general Wojciech Jaruzelski.

It looked similar in the Soviet Union. The situation changed at the end of Michail Gorbaczow pierestojka and glasnost period when the students of the 11th grade were informed in their history course books about the death of Polish officers in Katyn in 1940.

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