Poland is the biggest FDI recipient of the EU countries located in Central Europe. The statistics are showing also more and more investment high activity of Polish companies on the foreign markets. Towards the strong competition and high costs of the workforce in EU countries, Polish companies as the location of their investments often choose markets outside the EU, including the Russian market. The article presents the analysis of the investment cooperation between Poland and the Russian Federation and shows the essential barriers negatively influencing in the shape of these relations. He is pointing in addition also the high importance of the role of the economic diplomacy in the development of cooperation investment between both countries.

The article reviews the process of transformation of management strategies of politic management elite in the regions of North Caucasus. The scientific analysis is carried out in the context of social conditions of modern value-institutional crisis. The author considers the changes in values of North Caucasus peoples and inner and outer factors that lead to the modification in the character of managing these regions. The article studies the practices of power transition and making an own system of power by new leaders. It deals with such factors influencing the management of regions as increasing the meaning of religion and religious extremism, the meaning of ethnic mobilization strife mechanisms. The influence of these factors is shown on the examples of the Republics of North Ossetia-Alania, Dagestan, Kab ardino Balkaria, Chechnya, Ingushetia. The author examines the possible strategies of how Russian federal authorities may react on conflicts in regional elite and principles of their interaction with regional elite.

More than decade ago Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) became a popular theme of analysis and research, evoking polarizing views. It was described as a successful regional, multilateral organization which responds to local challenges (such as terrorism) and represents a good case of Sino-Russian cooperation in Central Asia. On the other hand, SCO was also being portrayed as a geopolitical, authoritarian answer to NATO, stronger in words than in actions. Since than SCO has developed and strengthened Sino-Russian relations. On the other hand, since 2010s SCO has been losing its importance and facing marginalization. India’s and Pakistan’s access in 2017 is bound to reverse this trend and give SCO a new energy.
The outcome of this enlargement, combined with integration of the One Belt One Road (OBOR) project with SCO will decide about SCO’s future.

Article “Russia and China in the Central Asia. Cooperation or competition” is dedicated to the important problem of the Russia and China foreign policy in Central Asia. In the article the geopolitical situation of Central Asia at the present stage is analyzed. Special attention on the author is paid to interaction of Russia and China with the region’s countries. Author describes general trends of Russia and China policy. It contains the analysis of basic coincidence of strategic interest of Russia and China and basic imaginations of Central Asia among the Russian and Chinese political elite. Special attention on the author is paid to historical process who create the basic interest and imaginations. Author esteemed historical features of Russia–China relations in the region ant try to predict the future relationship between Russia and China in the Central Asia.

A paper entitled Energy resources of post-soviet Central Asia: reserves, production, energy policy covers topics that refer to production and transport of the petrol and natural gas through the so called “Asian five” states. Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are over-regional leaders in the production of petroleum and natural gas. New natural resources reserves has been also discovered in Tajikistan and Kirgizstan. The post-soviet states of Central Asia are making an effort to raise their shares in the global petrol market however their abilities are limited by the Russian Federation`s position in the global market, corruption and nepotism. Only the overcoming of this negative tendencies might lead to positive change of the perception, as the region countries will be perceived as a key players in the petroleum and natural gas export

Scientific paradigm changes are frequently accompanied by the reconsideration of central terms and ideas. This article demonstrates how this process is currently underway in Russian anthropological studies [narodovedenie] as part of a broader move away from ethnography to theoretical ethnology. The article also shows lines of succession and divergence between various paradigms currently dominant in Russian anthropology, including primordialism and constructivism, and presents the author’s vision of a definition of “ethnicity”, instruments needed to study ethnicities, the nature of “ethnicity,” the underlying axioms on which ethnicities are conceptualized. An initial attempt has been made in the article to outline the central positions that would provide for a principally new ethnological paradigm by way of a new definition of the phenomenon of ethnicity.

The article studies text non-systens forms of paroemiological units. These forms are the main criteria to determine the dominant (primary) forms and systematic variants of paroemiological units. The possibility of these mentioned non-systems (creative) forms, first of all, proves paroemias to be fixed language units of social chacarter as phraseological constructions.

The Great Terror – mass repression unleashed by Stalin against the Soviet people, the brightest and most educated of its representatives. In regions of the country, including in the Chechen-Ingush ASSR this political and physical terror has acquired its local peculiarities. Under Stalin’s doctrine of Soviet Union’s progress towards socialism resistance of the class enemy inevitably had to grow. For decisive destruction of this resistance, in accordance with the order of the NKVD numer 00447, troika’s were created. These troika’s were personally responsible for the inhumane mass repression – killings and directions to the Gulag camps of hundreds of thousands of people. This situation had its own local peculiarities in the CHIASSR, and they are clearly visible in the work and the tragic fate of the pupil of the Soviet system, the second person in the party hierarchy of this Soviet autonomy – Hasy Vahaev.

The Third Reich’s attack on Poland on September 1, and the Soviet Union’s on September 17, 1939 – without declaring of war – was another attempt to erase the Polish state from the map of Europe. Both the invaders justified their actions, with persecution of national minorities by Polish authorities. Under the German-Soviet agreement of September 28, 1939, the Polish lands were divided between the two states as a part of a secret protocol to the non-aggression treaty between Berlin and Moscow (23 August 1939), known as the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact. Both totalitarian ideological systems: Stalinism and Nazism began to execute extermination policy against the citizens of the Republic of Poland. This policy was aimed at destroying the leadership layers of the nation, separation from national culture and tradition (in the case of Poles, also from the Roman Catholic religion) and transforming into Knechte, a cheap working-class – in the case of Germans, and a free labour force – in the case of Soviet Union. One of the basic instruments in the implementation of anti-Polish policy was an unprecedented on such a scale forced displacement of the population. As far as Germany is concerned, so far no such manifestations of anti-Polish policy has ever taken place. During the reign of the Hohenzollern (until November 28, 1918), ethnic assimilation was accomplished by the Germanisation of the population, while in Nazi rule (starting January 30, 1933) it was decided to demote the land and to displace or to murder the population. In total, during the occupied of Poland, about 1.71 million Polish citizens have been displaced by the German authorities, more than 3 million Jews were killing, as well as 0.5 a million ethnic Poles and more than 20,000 Gypsies.

Sprawozdanie

Report

We współczesnym świecie nowym centrum gospodarczym, politycznym, kulturalnym i militarnym staje się Azja. Wiek XXI nazywany jest wiekiem „azjocentrycznym”. Powoli kończy się trwająca do tej pory międzynarodowa supremacja państw „zachodnich” oraz Stanów Zjednoczonych. Dynamiczny rozwój gospodarczy państw azjatyckich otworzył „okno na Wschód” dla państw „zachodnich” i rozpoczął nową rozgrywkę polityczno-gospodarczą na arenie międzynarodowej. Wielowymiarowość Azji powoduje, że wszystkie państwa stają przed wieloma wyzwaniami w zakresie bezpieczeństwa i zmuszane są do podjęcia intensywnych działań w tej sferze.

W okresie narastających problemów z imigrantami, książka marka brylewa jest próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie, skąd wzięła się arabska wiosna, dlaczego liban jest ważnym krajem w okręgu wpływów kultury arabskiej, do kogo właściwie należy, kim są ludzie, którzy kierują tym krajem. Szczególną uwagę poświęca hezbollahowi, klientyzmowi, wojnie domowej w syrii, wpływowi rosji na sytuację w libanie, a także wewnętrznemu podziałowi w państwie.

Varia

Economic relations between Russia and Eastern Europe are reasonably stable, but they are characterized by lack of scale. Therefore, sanctions/contrsanctions have not a systemic effect on bilateral relations, although they have on individual companies. Prospects for Russia’s economic relations with the Eastern European countries are evaluated in terms of their embeddedness in the overall relations between Russia and the West. It follows that is not necessary to expect a quick lifting of sanctions, despite the obvious decline over time the economic damage they cause to all parties involved. Possible in the long term mutual cancellation of sanctions regimes will likely be expressed in increase of the positive effects on normalization of trade and investment, but the magnitude of these effects will hardly be noticeable.

Energy security is a key component of national security. It’s really hard to formulate correct construction of the strategic culture, political strategy, without considering this crucial component. Thus, especially important factors that shape Polish security policy should be mentioned: diversification of energy links and resources, adaptation of country`s technical infrastructure to modern petrol market requirements, bilateral and multilateral agreements covering energy security problems. The Russian factor plays an important role in the Polish energy security policy. Bilateral relations within energy sector have repercussions on Polish energy security and the foreign policy. It also has an impact on the Poland`s internal politics, thus should be considered as crucial for Polish national interest.

The development objective of the article is to present in the last fifteen years the level of economic relations of Moldova and Ukraine with the Russian Federation and the European Union. In connection with this study it was covered by the value of the trade of Moldova and Ukraine with the European Union and the Russian Federation, as well as the volume of the foreign direct investments EU and Russia in the Moldovan and Ukrainian economy.

The publication presents the point of view on economic relations with one Russian region bordering Poland–Kaliningrad Oblast. This is the point of view of the author, who has been dealing with the practical coordination of the co-operation for many years, and who has been currently dealing with this part of the international relations from the scientific.

The difficult situation in the Polish-Russian border regions is described by the presented data related to trade in the recent years. Other aspects of cross-border cooperation which affect the economic development of border regions are also presented. From the point of view of border regions, the current situation is not favourable. For many years there have been attempts to create conditions for the economically weaker border regions, being also the peripheries of the Eastern border of the European Union, to develop better. This aim was to be achieved by, among others, local border traffic, as well as the Interreg programs: Poland–Lithuania– Russia and the currently developed Poland–Russia. In the present political situation, the voice of the regions bordering with the Russian federation is not particularly taken into consideration. But, in the long term, considering the socioeconomic development of border regions and common problems resulting from them being neighbours across the border, it should be noticed.

In Russian-Polish relations there were periods of improvement and deterioration, UPS and downs, due to both historical reasons and internal political changes and the influence of external factors. In these difficult political circumstances, the sphere of culture, education and science have always served as a reserve and a platform for maintaining contacts between the two countries. Of special importance are regular meetings of experts in international Affairs to discuss topical and theoretical problems of world politics and bilateral relations between Russia and Poland.

The cultural-symbolic resources of trust in the political dialogue of Russia and the Countries of Central and Eastern Europe is analizing at the article. Political dialogue is seen as a multi-level systemic phenomenon, which includes all spheres of public life – economics, politics, social sphere and culture. Emphasizes the function of culture, which is in the formation of meaning and values related to the political dialogue. The author substantiates the thesis that the development of political dialogue between these countries can only occur within the space of trust of the parties to each other, which, in turn, is based on the actualization of the positive potential of collective memory, rooted in the cultural and symbolic space. The phenomenon of trust is explored through the prism of values and relationships between participants in political dialogue. Considered a categorical numer that is associated with the term “trust” means trust, confidence, coordination, cooperation, acceptance, understanding, intuition, feeling, reliability, readiness for reunification, the possibility to influence on the basis of shared values. It is emphasized that Russia and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe emerged in the context of the impact of Christian values that defined the development of all sectors of society, including politics, law, economy, social sphere and culture. The author focuses on combining the function of Christian values to Russia and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, this marked distinction of the foundations of stylistics of Catholicism and Orthodoxy, and even more of a Protestant type of thinking. Substantiates the idea that cultural and symbolic space, including the uniting for Russia and CEE meanings and values, much richer and more varied than the contradictory facts that are used in a global geopolitical game. The trust is considered as the basic and fundamental basis for political dialogue. Along with this, the article notes that the trust is formed in a situation of interpersonal interaction in the discourse of everyday contact with cultural and symbolic space of the countries-participants of dialogue. System component of trust in relations between the two countries is a space of shared values generated in the context of Christian culture. Christian culture has mechanisms of transport of religious values to social and political plane. In this regard, the phenomenon of trust in the political dialogue must be viewed through the prism of Christian values.

Societies create cultural models in order to maintain their identity. They constitute a reflection of values and symbols to which they are the most attached. In Russia, there has been a dispute about cultural identity for a long time. During Vladimir Putin’s presidency, when the liberal idea was devalued, a serious debate about the future of Russia was commenced. In contrast to Russia, Poland has always emphasized its European roots and identity of its culture with the Western culture. Comparative studies of the two cultures lead to the conclusion that significant differences are views of: man, freedom and the state. The definition of man in a given culture is associated with the worldview. In Russian culture it has been formulated on the basis of monastic practice and experience of Church Fathers. Hesychasm and deification – are the basis of the Orthodox anthropology. In the contemporary Russian culture one can observe the revival of hesychasm, which stems from the life practice. Latin anthropology was formed under the influence of Saint Augustine’s Confessions. According to Augustine, man is dust and only his „self ”, the person, is endowed with „existence, consciousness and will”. Augustine was the first Latin theologian, who pointed out the historical subjectivity of an individual. Therefore, the European thought identified man with historical ones: the state, nation and economics. The issue of a person’s freedom is the basic issue of Western anthropology. Man perceived himself as an autonomous entity that exists thanks to the autonomous intellect and respects the rights of others adhering to the same principles. Freedom in Orthodox culture is understood as inner freedom from external determinants Saint Augustine formulated a number of problems which are the basis of the Western understanding of the state. The specificity of understanding Augustine’s state is associated with the belief that people are sinful and it has an impact on the state system. Russian state doctrine is connected with Byzantine heritage. The idea of Moscow the Third Rome is a continuation of Byzantine diarchy. The contemporary Russian state thought says that liberal democracy and internationalism are unfamiliar to Russian culture. It finds it necessary to return to the ideocratic country and calls for recovering from the Russian disease of self-consciousness – “occidentalistic rootlessness”.

The article discusses the role of the image of Russia as a factor of the formation of the Polish national identity at the present stage of development. The paper notes that in the dichotomy of “friend or foe” image of Russia rather looks like “foe” – not in conformity with Polish values. At the same time, the article emphasizes the idea of the complexity and diversity of the Polish society, the lack of unity of perception of the image of Russia and Russian–Polish relations.

On the 1st of August 1975 in Helsinki, 35 countries signed the Final Act of the CSCE. Running the Helsinki process was crucial for the institutionalization of the human rights movement in Central and Eastern Europe. For the first time the principle of respect for human rights, treated as a manifestation of European security, achieved a high status in the basic international document. Although at the beginning the conference did not have any means of direct impact on Member States, thanks to the adopted mechanisms (Review Conferences ) it became possible to international control over the observance of the principle of protection of human rights. As a result, already in 1976, the first non-governmental organizations, upholding the findings of Helsinki, were established in the USSR, Poland and Czechoslovakia,. In this way, the European communist states were subjected not only international but also internal pressure of societies. Social transformations in each of these countries have become the nucleus of the emerging civil society. The final result of, ongoing since 1973, the CSCE process in 1989, was a fall of the Iron Curtain in 1991 and end of the Yalta–Potsdam order, dividing Europe into the political sphere of influence for more than four decades.

According to the Law on elections of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan the most important guarantees for adhering to and ensuring universally recognized international principles of electoral law are:

• First, conducting transparent and open, free and genuine, fair elections (art. 5, Law);
• Second, organization and conduct of elections of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan by independent electoral commissions (art. 4, Law);
• Third, state financing the elections of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan and electoral campaign of candidates (art. 6, Law);
• Fourth, state informational support to elections of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan and pre-election agitation (chapter IV, Law);
• Fifth, participation in elections of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan by national, international and foreign observes (art. 5, Law);
• Sixth, appealing and responsibility for violation of legislation on elections of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan (art. 7, Law);
• Seventh, taking non-discrimination measures (art. 2, Law).

Relations between Russia and Central European countries at the background of domestic transformations and global crisis have passed several stages of development: their almost complete breakdown in the mid 1990-ies, had improved during the 2000-ies, but after the crisis in Ukraine has returned back towards the lowest point of the last 25 years. If in 1990-ies the state of relations had been largely determined by the countries themselves, now, in the absence of subjective reasons for their decline, they are forced to obey the new commitments dictated from Brussels. Against this background, the bilateral relations continue to influence the circumstances that can be associated rather with the formation of the foundations of the new policy and its ideological basis. The current situation, and mainly the crisis in Ukraine, as the country situated between us, had put a real call to our relationship. The ability to give an adequate answer to it would prove the maturity of our relations.

This article discusses the realization of the conception of the New Silk Road in the countries of East-Central Europe. Author in the introduction of the article described the idea of The New Silk Road and its six corridors. Then, it was depicted format “16+1” and its meaning for the realization of the Chinese conception in first part of the article. Moreover, it became underlined the meaning economic buildings „the Belt and Road” for the countries of Central-East-Europe. Author in second part represented Poland in the format „16+1” and her relation to the New Silk Road.

The article presents an analysis of the problems and prospects of relations between Russian Federation and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). These relationships are discussed in broader political context of Russia's relations with the European Union. The author believes that in conflict situations the both parties are responsible. As an optimal strategy the author examines the possibility of linking the integration processes in the Eurasian region – the so-called "integration of integrations", that can become a framework for interfacing the national interests of Russia and the EU's interests. A special role in the normalization of relations in Eurasia the CEE countries are devoted to play – CEE may become a bridge between Russia and Western Europe.

The author addresses an important question of transformation in the field of foreign policy priorities made by Russian Federation, indicating both the causes, assumptions and ad hoc and prospective objectives of the newly announced strategy, which is a retreat from the West and the intensification of relations with the countries of Asia. This was largely a consequence of the crisis in the relations with the West, due to the annexation of the Crimea and the conflict in the east of Ukraine. However, explaining the motives of this policy, the Russian side tried to ignore the true impact of the Ukrainian crisis. As a whole, this new national strategy has been dubbed PovorotnaVostok. This strategy should boost economic growth, and above all play the role of the one of key instruments restoring Russia’s lost position as a global power. More broadly, the Russian shift towards Asia is based on the assumption that the long-term factor affecting the international situation will be strategic competition between China and United States, and that Asia in the near future will not be able to create of a coherent system of security. With this in mind, the Kremlin is trying to find a place for the realization of its vision of a new multipolar world order and actually is trying to play one state against another one. The leaders of Kremlin are of course aware of the shifting of the global economic balance of power towards Asia – Pacific, and they understand that Russia’s economic integration with the region has an essential importance for successful longterm development.

The essence of Russia’s relations with Belarus after the end of the 20th century boils down to a specific kind of balance. Thanks to its presence in the institutional forms of close cooperation such as the CSTO, the Union State or the Eurasian Economic Union Minsk enjoys the openness of Russian market and very low prices of imported resources (especially crude oil and gas). What Moscow receives in return can be classified as a sort of intangible goods: greater prestige and a „friendly hegemonic” position in international relations. The balance of the game falls in favor of Lukashenko who takes advantage of his country’s location between the Russian Federation and the EU: Moscow is permanently blackmailed with the possibility of Minsk’s hypothetical turn toward the Western partners.

Modern states use any means necessary that are provided by foreign policy. At this point, states more often use new means to implement foreign policy – there are, in a broad sense, soft power policies – public diplomacy and promotion of state’s international interests. While tasks of traditional diplomacy that are connected with state’s political security and military security have to be implemented by state’s central organs, however, all the rest can be and are implemented by decentralized self-government authorities. These new forms of diplomatic activity developed, especially, after the Cold War ended and can be classified as paradiplomacy i.e. the involvement of sub-national actors (regions) of the national states in international relations. Russian regions, including the Russian Far East, establish these forms of activity. However, legal conditions are quite alike, the practice between regions differs from each other. The general conclusion, which emerges from the analysis, points to the fact that many decisions concerning paradiplomacy are made by federal authorities and the level of regional authorities’ activity in new millennium has decreased comparing to the 1990s. This conclusion also concerns the Russian Far East.

The external surroundings of the Russian Far East – Asia-Pacific region is extremely active international actor. Russia looks with more concerns on the region and sees itself a strategic approach for further international activities. This approach is also important due to the Russian Far East international activity, however, any attempt at adding this region to East Asia integration concepts is inefficient. Problem is noted and the goal of Ministry of Foreign Policy of Russian Federation is to incorporate regional diplomacy to traditional diplomacy. In activity of regions is still ample potential, which is clearly noticeable. In 2013, the 5th program – The Far East and Trans-Baikal Socio-Economic Development Strategy to 2025 was adopted. However, there is a concern that this program may suffer the same fate as other unrealized programs to exploit potential and development of this region, if a few requirements, which are listed in paradiplomacy theoretical models, are not accomplished e.g. the strengthen of regional authorities. They are better in defining its needs and opportunities but they should efficiently cooperate with inhabitants living in these regions. However, the requirements are greater influence on their choice, greater trust and identifying with activities of authority.

Foreign activity (paradiplomacy) of local governments is one of the elements of Polish foreign policy and plays a special, positive role in the process of Polish integration with the European Union. This paper presents the results of the investigations concerning foreign activity of Polish local and regional governments with Russia. In particular, there is intensive cooperation with the Kaliningrad region, the only region bordering Poland and refers to the neighboring provinces of Warmia and Mazury and Pomorskie. Studies have shown, however, that 11 out of the 16 Polish provinces signed agreements with other regions of Russia and only 2 have no cooperation.

Solidarity as one of the main values of the European Union is also recognizedamong the guiding principles of the EU asylum policy. In the period of the migrationcrisis, this principle was the most important for the EU Member Statesand very difficult to implement. The purpose of this article is to analyze the concept of solidarity, as enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty, as well as in the positions of the Member States and EU institutions. The article highlights the current debate, initiated by the Visegrad group under the Slovakian Presidency in the Council, around the proposed “flexible” or “effective solidarity” in asylum policy. Thus, the author contributes to understanding the ways, problems and prospects of refugees’ relocation, as well as the upcoming reform of the Dublin system. Based on the study of the summits conclusions, Council meetings in its various formats, the EU leaders’ statements, the author considers that divergence not only of the Member States positions, but also those of the EU institutions on the specific forms of participation in managing migration and asylum could entail more fragmentation and differentiation within the Union. At the same time, the author reveals the contradiction in the Visegrad countries’ position: while dreaming about re-nationalization of asylum and engaging in confrontation with the Commission the CEE countries by no means intend to introduce and maintain border control within the Schengen area.

Geo-economics is an approach that, in general, looks at the links between politics and economy in the international arena. This article is an analyses overview of the presence of geo-economics strategy in the Polish-Russian relations. The author focuses particularly on the problems of investment, trade and energy.

W dniu 19 października w ramach szerszego projektu „Demokracja współczesna – wymiar polski i międzynarodowy” w Uniwersytecie Ekonomicznym w Krakowie odbyła się Międzynarodowa

Konferencja Naukowa „Współpraca demokratycznych krajów Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej z Federacją Rosyjską: nowe wyzwania”. Konferencję zorganizowała Katedra Nauk Politycznych UEK we współpracy z Fundacją Wsparcia Dyplomacji Publicznej im. M.A.M. Gorczakowa, Instytutem Europy Rosyjskiej Akademii Nauk i Fundacją GAP. Wsparcia konferencji udzieliło także Centrum Polsko-Rosyjskiego Dialogu i Porozumienia. Podczas konferencji prowadzono dyskusje w następujących obszarach:

• nowe uwarunkowanie geopolityczne a poszukiwanie współpracy między Rosją i krajami Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej;
• nowe podejście do analizy stanu stosunków Rosja–Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia;
• nowe wyzwania dla współpracy gospodarczej Rosji i krajów Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej;
• wpływ gospodarki, polityki, kultury i historii na poziom współpracy krajów EŚW i Rosji.

The European Union supported Kazakhstan in carrying out political, economic and social reform twice. For the first time EU did so within the framework of the TACIS program in the years 1991–2006 when Kazakhstan has received $ 166 million mainly for the restructuring of state-owned enterprises, agriculture, infrastructure, energy, telecommunications, transport, environmental protection, administrative reform and health care and education. Again, the European Union has granted funds to Kazakhstan in the framework of the Strategy for Central Asia in 2007–2013. The main burden of support has been designed to prepare for institutional reforms for good governance and human rights protection. There were implemented 17 projects within four sectors: legal services and the judiciary; human rights, economic policy and development, strengthening civil society. In assessing the changes in some regions of the country reported good practices in the field of dialogue between local authorities and non-governmental organizations, increase the efficiency of public services and the transparency of budgetary expenditure. It was emphasized, however, that the authorities of Kazakhstan do not show understanding for the concept of good governance and democratization processes.

In the article the international legal status of the territory, and the territory of the state was ascertained, and the features of the legal status of a state border were identified. The main problem of the thesis is to show the causes of conflicts in determining the borders of the Central Asian states from the perspective of Russian scholars. The main issues of regulating international relations in the sphere of the delimitation of state borders under the international law in Central Asia are outlined.

The purpose of this article is to characterize the Tulip Revolution in Kyrgyzstan (2005). The author presents the causes of the revolution, among other things: the importance of the tribal structure of Kyrgyzstan, nepotism and corruption during the presidency of Askar Akayev. The article presents the course of developments Tulip Revolution. Finally, the author focuses on the presentation of the most important implications of this revolution, such as the a revolution in 2010 and the resignation of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev.

The object of the article are aspects of penitentiary system of Russian Federation based on two pints of view: Polish and Russian. The aim is to highlight the essence, the content and range but also conditioning and tendencies for changes in the context of international ambitions and role of Russia but also widely knowing term like security of nation I case of penitentiary system of such country. Popularised and worked out in 2006 by European Prison Rules (Recommendations Rec (2006)2) the idea of normalisation, meaning minimalization some effects of imprisonment, will have a long way to find appropriate using in Russian penitentiary practice, which is directed mostly on giving a penalty for somebody. It is such seen both by the society and the government. The most accurate opinion is management policy of Federal Prison Service became as it were the model of country in which monopoly to rule belong to weight structures. In all, there is no humanisation of current justice, because the cult of prison is constantly observed and judicial reform transpired strongly illusory. The lack of control for penitentiary system by the social organisation is the effect of many omissions. In the source literature is appeared many opinions that in Russia the prison culture permeated to the every spheres of life.

A paper entitled Energy resources of post-soviet Central Asia: reserves, production, energy policy covers topics that refer to production and transport of the petrol and natural gas through the so called “Asian five” states. Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are over-regional leaders in the production of petroleum and natural gas. New natural resources reserves has been also discovered in Tajikistan and Kirgizstan. The post-soviet states of Central Asia are making an effort to raise their shares in the global petrol market however their abilities are limited by the Russian Federation`s position in the global market, corruption and nepotism. Only the overcoming of this negative tendencies might lead to positive change of the perception, as the region countries will be perceived as a key players in the petroleum and natural gas export.

In the paper, the chosen aspects of Kazakhstan’s contemporary cultural policy were examined, i.e., the new shape of the Silk Road, and the concept of Tengriism. Tengriism, being and open ideological and world-view shaping system, had an enormous influence on forming, developing and functioning of the unique and fundamental principles of peace and concord, which were recognized by the people of Kazakhstan as their political, economic, and cultural guidance. The nature of Tengriism, perceived in Central Asia, and in Kazakhstan in particular, not as a religion, but as an idiosyncratic worldview, was solidified due to tolerance principles, on which the Great Silk Road, among others factors, had a great influence throughout the years. Nowadays, the current contexts of Tengriism and the Silk Road have become essential components for the process of ethnic and cultural memory regeneration in modern Kazakhstan, thus fostering the national identity consolidation. The presented research focuses on three basic aspects: the specificity of cultural and historic landscape of the Great Steppe, conditioned by the historic presence and influence of the Silk Road; the various traces of Tengriism in modern Kazakhstan; and the potential of both Tengriism and the Silk Road evidenced in the present-day cultural policy of Kazakhstan.

3Central Asian countries in trade structure with Poland are not a priority partners, also the involvement of Polish companies in this region is relatively small. While it is a region with high potential for cooperation, for example due to the considerable energy resources. Poland’s most important economic partner in this region is Kazakhstan, but even in this case it seems that the potential for cooperation is much greater than its current level. There are still many barriers that make it difficult to establish wider economic cooperation with all countries in the region. The aim of this article is to present the most important of them, obviously they have different character and intensity in each country of the region. They occur in international trade conditions, as well as in business environment. The custom policies of some Central Asian states are very unfavorable to the improvement of level of trade. Market access is often hampered by the creation of a number of restrictive formal conditions. Problems of the Central Asian economies, such as infrastructure challenges, high levels of debt and high rates of corruption should also be recognized as obstacles. However, despite many barriers, there are some chances and opportunities for the development of mutual economic cooperation, which are worth mentioning.

The conflict in Ukraine continues unabated since April 2014. At that time armed separatist attacks began (also supported by the Russian army and special forces), which strive to break the Donetsk and Lugansk districts from Ukrainian territory. This was a direct consequence of March’s Pro-Russian speeches and so-called – Crimean crisis which took place after the Euromaidan Revolution. Poland remains an undisputed ally of Ukraine, representing its interests in the European forum. This attitude positively influences the migration of Ukrainians into Poland, where they are looking for employment. The authors, aware of the above-mentioned circumstances, try to take up a rather complex subject of the impact of changes in the procedure of accessing the Polish labor market to restrictions on trade with Ukraine. They refer to a number of documents, with a view to better and more complete coverage of the topic. At the beginning the current state of affairs will be characterized and its influence on the current situation in the above field. On this basis changes are discussed and characterized and in conclusion the expected effects are indicated. The authors address a number of problems and answers appearing in the public debate more and more often like the demand for cheap labor from Ukraine, which can be a chance, but also a challenge for the Polish labor market.

The paper explores the development of trade and investment relations between Poland and Armenia in conditions of EU membership and in the first year of Armenia presence within the Eurasian Economic Union. The aim of the study is to determine the changes in the size and structure of trade and foreign investment both partners, as well as the identification of key factors influencing the evolution of the Polish-Armenian cooperation in this regard. Armenia both economically and politically is the relatively minor significant Poland’s partner. In the analyzed period, one can observe an increase in bilateral trade, but the growth of value and dynamics of Polish exports was more stable than imports. Small foreign investment, both Polish in Armenia and Armenian in Poland, is the area with untapped potential of bilateral cooperation. Poland’s membership in the EU was one of the factors that positively influenced on the intensification of bilateral trade and investment relations. In turn, Armenia’s entry to Eurasian Economic Union leads to the prediction that it will be a determinant which would have negative impact on Polish-Armenian cooperation in the long-term. There are a serious risk that the new agreement between the EU and Armenia will not be able to significantly reduce the impact of that factor.

The article describes the politics of memory of the Soviet Union in post-soviet Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan (1991–2016). The analysis is based on the following documents: Presidents N. Nazarbaev and I. Karimov statements, their publications, the politics of commemoration and historical education in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan after 1991. Author tries to compare two national historical narrations over the Soviet regime and argues that Uzbeks and Kazakhs were used two different approach of criticism of soviet colonialism, related to their foreign policy towards Russia

It would seem that the twenty-first century is a time in which the marriage is concluded only with love, and the woman herself can decide whom she will marry. Author of the paper presents the phenomenon which is the abduction of women for marriage. History proves that kidnapping wives have been practiced all over the world. Today, this tradition has survived primarily in Central Asia. The phenomenon of forced marriages by abduction occurs in Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Bride kidnapping is a violation of basic human rights. This state of Central Asia are signatories to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, which forbid this type of acts It should combat all manifestations of this kind of phenomena in the world. The publication shall define the phenomenon. Central Asian states bound by many treaties, but has not led to the introduction of effective legislation. In the publication the author shall identify the factors that influence the perpetrator. Presented are also criminal law in these countries. It is worth noting that as a result of the occurrence of this kind of inhumane phenomenon occurs very frequently that the injured person is a child.

One of the basic instruments in the implementation of an anti-Polish nation policy was an unprecedented on such a scale forced displacement of population. In the case of Moscow, it was a reference to the tsarist policy of mixing the peoples of the empire. It has been systematically implemented since the days of Tsar Ivan the Terrible (1530–1584), and under Joseph Stalin’s rule, it has grown into the official ethnicity policy of the Soviet state. The extermination policy of the Soviet Union was aimed at full unification of the looted territories with the rest of the Soviet empire. It was realized through physical liquidation of Polish intelligentsia, officials of Polish state administration, police and army. Already on September 18th, right after the invasion of Poland, several thousand Poles were shot by Soviet soldiers and military police; without a trial. Forced deportations, public executions, mass murders and concentration camps are a common feature of both murderous systems: Nazism and Stalinism. Except for the gas chambers, all methods of destroying humans were already earlier applied in the East (since November 1917), and later in Nazi Germany (since January 1933). The only difference was that from June 22, 1941, Stalin was counting on emergence of a territorially unspecified Polish state, which Hitler had never planned. Poland as the only member of the Allied side in World War II was shifted territorial (and reduced by 100 thousand sq. Km compared to August 31, 1939) and forced to exchange population, and became a satellite of the Soviet Union for 45-year – all at the request of Moscow.

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Książka Prezydencki dyskurs polityki na obszarze poradzieckim pod redakcją P. Załęskiego, O. Piskowskiej (ss. 146) jest szóstym tomem wydanym w ramach serii „Kultura i Polityka” realizowanej w Pracowni Kultury Politycznej Instytutu Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. Prezentuje wyniki prac naukowych poświęconych kwestii dyskursu polityki na obszarze poradzieckim.

Znakomita większość prac dotycząca wydarzeń w Związku Radzieckim skupia się na okresie II wojny światowej lub późniejszym. Wielu autorów zadaje sobie trud przedstawienia sytuacji, jaka panowała w Kraju Rad w okresie pomiędzy rewolucją październikowa, a wybuchem Wielkiej Wojny Ojczyźnianej. Ci, którzy podejmują się trudnego zadania opisania tych wydarzeń, skupiają się głównie na ogólnym przedstawieniu sytuacji w całym Związku Radzieckim bądź opisują wydarzenia wojny polsko- -bolszewickiej. Jednak wśród tych wszystkich książek niezwykle trudno jest odnaleźć dobrze napisaną pracę dotyczącą dziejów jednej z największych republik – Ukrainy. Z tym problemem już od wielu lat skutecznie mierzy się prof. Robert Kuśnierz.

W poznawaniu współczesnej rzeczywistości międzynarodowej szczególnie nośne są przemiany ustrojowe dokonujące się w Rosji, a w tym procesy zapoczątkowane w 1985 r. określane mianem pieriestrojki, których architektem politycznym był Michaił Gorbaczow (ur. 1931 r.). W prezentowanej monografii z dużą starannością prezentuje się złożone procesy odchodzenia od rzeczywistości politycznej budowanej przez prawie 70 lat w Związku Radzieckim do nowego ładu ustrojowego, postrzeganego przez pryzmat biografii politycznej Michaiła Gorbaczowa jako jego budowniczego. We wstępie do monografii podkreśla się, że niełatwo poddać ocenie reformy przeprowadzone w tak ogromnym i zróżnicowanym państwie. Niejednoznaczne są też opinie o ich autorze, który przez swoich współobywateli jest często dyskredytowany, a za granicą jest doceniany i wyróżniany.

Prawa człowieka wciąż pozostają wdzięcznym tematem badawczym nie tylko dla prawników, ale też politologów, filozofów czy specjalistów stosunków międzynarodowych. Należy jednak zauważyć, że naukowa refleksja nad wizją funkcjonowania i ochrony praw człowieka w Azji ani ilościowo, ani jakościowo nie dorównuje analizie tej problematyki w kontekście europejskim, międzyamerykańskim czy nawet afrykańskim, dostępnej w polskim dyskursie akademickim. Wiąże się to przede wszystkim z brakiem regionalnego systemu ochrony praw człowieka na kontynencie azjatyckim (zwłaszcza w rozumieniu zbliżonym do systemów Rady Europy, Organizacji Państw Amerykańskich lub Unii Afrykańskiej), a także z zasadniczą odmiennością kulturową od świata euroatlantyckiego, ale i bogatym wewnętrznym zróżnicowaniem państw Azji, co z pewnością nie ułatwia prowadzenia kompleksowych badań.