The article reviews the process of transformation of management strategies of politic management elite in the regions of North Caucasus. The scientific analysis is carried out in the context of social conditions of modern value-institutional crisis. The author considers the changes in values of North Caucasus peoples and inner and outer factors that lead to the modification in the character of managing these regions. The article studies the practices of power transition and making an own system of power by new leaders. It deals with such factors influencing the management of regions as increasing the meaning of religion and religious extremism, the meaning of ethnic mobilization strife mechanisms. The influence of these factors is shown on the examples of the Republics of North Ossetia-Alania, Dagestan, Kab ardino Balkaria, Chechnya, Ingushetia. The author examines the possible strategies of how Russian federal authorities may react on conflicts in regional elite and principles of their interaction with regional elite.

More than decade ago Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) became a popular theme of analysis and research, evoking polarizing views. It was described as a successful regional, multilateral organization which responds to local challenges (such as terrorism) and represents a good case of Sino-Russian cooperation in Central Asia. On the other hand, SCO was also being portrayed as a geopolitical, authoritarian answer to NATO, stronger in words than in actions. Since than SCO has developed and strengthened Sino-Russian relations. On the other hand, since 2010s SCO has been losing its importance and facing marginalization. India’s and Pakistan’s access in 2017 is bound to reverse this trend and give SCO a new energy.
The outcome of this enlargement, combined with integration of the One Belt One Road (OBOR) project with SCO will decide about SCO’s future.

Article “Russia and China in the Central Asia. Cooperation or competition” is dedicated to the important problem of the Russia and China foreign policy in Central Asia. In the article the geopolitical situation of Central Asia at the present stage is analyzed. Special attention on the author is paid to interaction of Russia and China with the region’s countries. Author describes general trends of Russia and China policy. It contains the analysis of basic coincidence of strategic interest of Russia and China and basic imaginations of Central Asia among the Russian and Chinese political elite. Special attention on the author is paid to historical process who create the basic interest and imaginations. Author esteemed historical features of Russia–China relations in the region ant try to predict the future relationship between Russia and China in the Central Asia.

A paper entitled Energy resources of post-soviet Central Asia: reserves, production, energy policy covers topics that refer to production and transport of the petrol and natural gas through the so called “Asian five” states. Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are over-regional leaders in the production of petroleum and natural gas. New natural resources reserves has been also discovered in Tajikistan and Kirgizstan. The post-soviet states of Central Asia are making an effort to raise their shares in the global petrol market however their abilities are limited by the Russian Federation`s position in the global market, corruption and nepotism. Only the overcoming of this negative tendencies might lead to positive change of the perception, as the region countries will be perceived as a key players in the petroleum and natural gas export

Scientific paradigm changes are frequently accompanied by the reconsideration of central terms and ideas. This article demonstrates how this process is currently underway in Russian anthropological studies [narodovedenie] as part of a broader move away from ethnography to theoretical ethnology. The article also shows lines of succession and divergence between various paradigms currently dominant in Russian anthropology, including primordialism and constructivism, and presents the author’s vision of a definition of “ethnicity”, instruments needed to study ethnicities, the nature of “ethnicity,” the underlying axioms on which ethnicities are conceptualized. An initial attempt has been made in the article to outline the central positions that would provide for a principally new ethnological paradigm by way of a new definition of the phenomenon of ethnicity.

The article studies text non-systens forms of paroemiological units. These forms are the main criteria to determine the dominant (primary) forms and systematic variants of paroemiological units. The possibility of these mentioned non-systems (creative) forms, first of all, proves paroemias to be fixed language units of social chacarter as phraseological constructions.

The Great Terror – mass repression unleashed by Stalin against the Soviet people, the brightest and most educated of its representatives. In regions of the country, including in the Chechen-Ingush ASSR this political and physical terror has acquired its local peculiarities. Under Stalin’s doctrine of Soviet Union’s progress towards socialism resistance of the class enemy inevitably had to grow. For decisive destruction of this resistance, in accordance with the order of the NKVD numer 00447, troika’s were created. These troika’s were personally responsible for the inhumane mass repression – killings and directions to the Gulag camps of hundreds of thousands of people. This situation had its own local peculiarities in the CHIASSR, and they are clearly visible in the work and the tragic fate of the pupil of the Soviet system, the second person in the party hierarchy of this Soviet autonomy – Hasy Vahaev.

The Third Reich’s attack on Poland on September 1, and the Soviet Union’s on September 17, 1939 – without declaring of war – was another attempt to erase the Polish state from the map of Europe. Both the invaders justified their actions, with persecution of national minorities by Polish authorities. Under the German-Soviet agreement of September 28, 1939, the Polish lands were divided between the two states as a part of a secret protocol to the non-aggression treaty between Berlin and Moscow (23 August 1939), known as the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact. Both totalitarian ideological systems: Stalinism and Nazism began to execute extermination policy against the citizens of the Republic of Poland. This policy was aimed at destroying the leadership layers of the nation, separation from national culture and tradition (in the case of Poles, also from the Roman Catholic religion) and transforming into Knechte, a cheap working-class – in the case of Germans, and a free labour force – in the case of Soviet Union. One of the basic instruments in the implementation of anti-Polish policy was an unprecedented on such a scale forced displacement of the population. As far as Germany is concerned, so far no such manifestations of anti-Polish policy has ever taken place. During the reign of the Hohenzollern (until November 28, 1918), ethnic assimilation was accomplished by the Germanisation of the population, while in Nazi rule (starting January 30, 1933) it was decided to demote the land and to displace or to murder the population. In total, during the occupied of Poland, about 1.71 million Polish citizens have been displaced by the German authorities, more than 3 million Jews were killing, as well as 0.5 a million ethnic Poles and more than 20,000 Gypsies.

Sprawozdanie

Report

We współczesnym świecie nowym centrum gospodarczym, politycznym, kulturalnym i militarnym staje się Azja. Wiek XXI nazywany jest wiekiem „azjocentrycznym”. Powoli kończy się trwająca do tej pory międzynarodowa supremacja państw „zachodnich” oraz Stanów Zjednoczonych. Dynamiczny rozwój gospodarczy państw azjatyckich otworzył „okno na Wschód” dla państw „zachodnich” i rozpoczął nową rozgrywkę polityczno-gospodarczą na arenie międzynarodowej. Wielowymiarowość Azji powoduje, że wszystkie państwa stają przed wieloma wyzwaniami w zakresie bezpieczeństwa i zmuszane są do podjęcia intensywnych działań w tej sferze.

W okresie narastających problemów z imigrantami, książka marka brylewa jest próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie, skąd wzięła się arabska wiosna, dlaczego liban jest ważnym krajem w okręgu wpływów kultury arabskiej, do kogo właściwie należy, kim są ludzie, którzy kierują tym krajem. Szczególną uwagę poświęca hezbollahowi, klientyzmowi, wojnie domowej w syrii, wpływowi rosji na sytuację w libanie, a także wewnętrznemu podziałowi w państwie.

Varia