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Vol. 1(1)

Polityczny wymiar objęcia państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej standardami demokratycznymi Rady Europy

Author: Jerzy Jaskiernia
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 15-33
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011101
PDF: npw/01/npw2011101.pdf

The Council of Europe, founded in 1949, is one of the most important international organizations. In its axiology it emphasises democracy, rule of law and protection of human rights. Its “pearl in the crown” is the European Convention on Human Rights. Until 1989 the Council of Europe was a “democratic club of Western European democratic countries.” Since political breakthrough in 1989 the Council has been open to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. This changed the face of the “elite club”, carrying the risk of lowering standards. At the same time it also opened new ways for action for the Council of Europe, which highly determines contemporary sense of the organization. Central and Eastern European countries which were striving for the membership had to meet the threshold requirements, including a form of free elections and the willingness to sign and ratify the European Convention on Human Rights (in the phase of the accession procedure), and also to make substantial modifications to the political system after becoming the Council of Europe member (controlled under a monitoring procedure). They concerned the legislative, executive and judiciary authorities as well as the local government. The main constitutional solutions were consulted with the Venice Commission which acts within the structure of the Council of Europe and brings together the leading experts on constitutional issues. The Council of Europe also gave assistance to tchem in democratic know how. Sustainability of a monitoring procedure in respect to some countries (including Russia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) indicates that the completion of the Council of Europe standards requires not only political will, changes in political culture and legal societies, determination in the implementation of political reforms but also significant financial resources. One of the reasons of meeting the requirements was paving the way for these countries to membership in the European Union.

Today the political dimension of opening the Council of Europe to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe is associated with the prominence of the fact that the process of European integration is not to be restricted to the framework of the European Union and not to build a new “fortress” on the River Bug. Therefore, countries of that region, especially outside the EU have an interest in the Council of Europe prestige not to weaken, and that participation in it will bring hope in further deepening of European integration.

Geopolityka XXI wieku, koncepcje i mity

Author: Artur Kuzniecow
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 34-41
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011102
PDF: npw/01/npw2011102.pdf

The issue of sovereignty in the modern world, particularly in the EU, is a current matter and in some cases significant (for example military and political issues) decisive.

Poland – the geopolitical giant in the 16th and 17th centuries, in 1795 it disappeared from the map of Europe for 123 years. The country was reborn in 1918 and today it acts as a stable geopolitical entity. It is the sixth country in Europe in terms of geopolitical focus of the main parameters: territory, population and GDP. Poland is of a great importance for the fate of the United Europe. One of the important myths for the Polish ethos is called Jagiellonian idea, manifested amongst other things in the Eastern Partnership initiative and the concept of “soft power”. The EU is becoming an increasingly significant “soft power” in the world. Regardless of the serious events in the Arab world, it can be said that the whole world democratizes rapidly in the spirit of soft power. Polish successes in this area are very significant and Poland is gaining new resources of attractiveness. It is becoming a more secure and comfortable place in

Europe.

Poland has achieved significant results prior to its presidency of the EU, These include primarily: significant improvement in relations with its neighbours – Russia and Germany and the Eastern Partnership initiative which now takes on a special significance. Moreover, not rushing into joining the euro zone, Poland wants to participate in the EuroClub decision-making. Poland wants to prevent the development of two-speed Europe.

Europejski wymiar rosyjskiej debaty modernizacyjnej

Author: Michał Słowikowski
Author: Alicja Stępień-Kuczyńska
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 42-67
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011103
PDF: npw/01/npw2011103.pdf

Main aim of this article was an attempt to better understand internal Russian discourse concerning modernization of Russian statehood and its prospective consequences for strengthening relation with European Union. Debate on Russian– UE future relations takes on new importance on the background of Dmitri Medvedev’s declaration about need to establish pro-modernize network system with most developed countries of West Europe and European Union. Authors assume that unusual, unfavorable conditions from perspective of Russian economy and society development partly caused by global financial crisis, make new opening in relation with European Union more probably than ever before. High possibility of such scenario can be attributed also to the following facts: Russia has gained new president that is more liberal and western-oriented than his predecessor and current prime-minister Vladimir Putin, Russian intellectual elites are almost unanimously as far as thesis the need for external resources to make Russian modernization possible is concerned. On the other hand there are many arguments that support opposite scenario – there will be no significant improvement in Russia-EU relations, because there will be no western-style modernization (based on European values and standards), modernization will be restricted to scientific and technological fields, that means we should not expect in foreseeable future democratization Russian political system and changes in Russian foreign policy as well. Partially high probable relinquishment of western-style modernization in Russia can be attributed to the fact that Russian society is anxious about West, its values and even more its intentions toward Russia.

Stosunki Polska–Rosja: stan, problemy, nowe możliwości

Author: Igor Żukowski
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 68-75
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011104
PDF: npw/01/npw2011104.pdf

Baltic Sea region is a zone of strategic interests for the Russian Federation, in which, however, a set of possible tools for implementing the interests of the state is significantly limited. This limitation determines the nature of the balance of interests formed in the Baltic region: it is obvious that the paradigm of strength in the foreign policy of every player in this region is neither efficient nor perspective. At today’s stage, Poland is one of the most important participants in the international processes in the Baltic region and Central and Eastern Europe. It provides a fairly effective implementation of its foreign policy interests within the institutions of the Euro-Atlantic bloc, and – less effectively – in relations with other countries in the Eastern European region, which do not belong to this bloc. Russian foreign policy is subordinated to the tasks of creating conditions for modernization and pre-emptive internal development and reconstruction of the greatpower status in the global context.

It is obvious that today’s Russian-Polish interstate relations are not free from the influence of global processes of foreign policy. These relations are a part of a broader strategy of Russia and Poland in relation to the external world as a whole, in particular the EU and NATO. Therefore, rapid changes in Russian-Polish interstate relations depending on the revision of the foreign policy of one of the parties are not possible. All geopolitical choices of both Russia and Poland have already been made and there is no indication that parties would want to make this choice again.

For Russian foreign policy, Poland as a participant in the international processes is an important player, but not essential. For Poland “big eastern neighbour” is one of the most important factors of both foreign policy and domestic policy processes. Russia and Poland often have different interests in foreign policy, inter alia, there is a direct articulation zone and collision of interests – Belarus, Ukraine, a number of adjacent territories of Baltic and Black Seas which have been subject to competition from Moscow and Warsaw in various historical reincarnations. Neither Poland nor Russia are ready to give up their geopolitical and economic interests which often are not only annoying for the neighbours and put representatives of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs in awkward situation but also are directly contradictory. However, there is one sphere in which it is impossible to mention any contradictions between Poland and Russia as countries, between professional societies, between citizens – it is the academic cooperation.

Strategiczne partnerstwo polsko-ukraińskie i program Partnerstwa Wschodniego w przededniu szczytu w Warszawie we wrześniu 2011 roku

Author: Maciej Mróz
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 76-90
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011105
PDF: npw/01/npw2011105.pdf

Upon the restitution of Ukrainian independence in 1991, the Polish-Ukrainian relations, next to the relations with Russian Federation, became central to polish foreign policy towards its direct neighbours in the East. In August 1993, for the first time since Ukraine’s definitive emancipation from the tutelage of Moscow, the Prime Minister Hanna Suchocka defined the relation between Warsaw and Kiev as a strategic partnership. Since then it has been treated almost as a magic spell which was usually used to compensate the lack of real content to fill the political declarations at different levels. Warsaw’s special hopes were associated with the Eastern Partnership, the first complete initiative introduced into the European Union’s external relations and addressed to Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. A Joint Declaration was adopted in May 2009 in Prague during an official presentation of the new initiative of the European Union. Thus, the Eastern Partnership became an integral part of the European Union’s policy towards the countries addressed in the program. Fulfilment of the assumptions outlined in The Eastern Partnership with a substantive content is in spe will lead to a real integration of the partner countries and national and ethnic minorities residing in their territory with the European Union, and in the longer term lead to full integration. Guided by the EU’s values , standards and norms the writers and animators of the Eastern Partnership built its functioning on three basic principles:, co-ownership, differentiation and conditionality. They also outlined the areas of cooperation with countries covered by the partnership in such fields as human rights, market economy, sustainable development, efficient and effective management, energy security and others. Considering the Eastern Partnership in this form, amongst other, Poland should concentrate its efforts on activities aimed at introducing Ukrainian issues at various forms of international cooperation, determining the relationship between the Eastern Partnership and other regional organizations promoted by the European Union, further institutional placement of the Eastern Partnership within the framework of the European Union, and in purely practical dimension on liberalization of visa regime with the perspective of its abolition.

Kirgisko-polskie stosunki ekonomiczne – wczoraj, dziś, jutro

Author: Omurbek Karatałow
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 91-106
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011106
PDF: npw/01/npw2011106.pdf

In this article a trade-economic cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and Poland within framework of the WTO terms and rules studied. Kyrgyz Republic (Kyrgyzstan) since the first days of its independence made actions to implement a democratic system of public administration and liberal market economy model. Economic reform process started by: price liberalization, free production pocket formation policy, mass privatization of trade and distribution in short term period, external economic and trade activities renovation. In the same time a new customs rules and tariffs have been approved and implemented. Currency rate rules and procedures for its transactions introduced as well as correspondent relations with partners on external trade were implemented. Fluctuations of the external trade turnover structure of the Kyrgyz Republic with foreign countries including trade relations between Kyrgyzstan and Poland have been studied; dynamics and prospects for trade between two countries, macroeconomic indicators of the Kyrgyzstan and several foreign countries and possibilities for their further development in the framework of market relations have been described. In this article it was proposed that Kyrgyzstan should use preferences for trade financing in case of export of only finished goods with bigger value added rather then it exports a raw materials in order not to stay as a raw exporter for a long time. Otherwise, a new wave of import goods make a damage and losses to domestic producers that make slow down for local productions. Kyrgyzstan should take measures with hard mechanisms and tools while export-import transactions. Also in this article it was clarified a reasons for biggest world traders enrichment and noted that these traders recommend to countries in transitive economies to use all preferences of the open market with equal possibilities for all. Raise of U.S.A. export share in the global trade have been described with the note that U.S. Government hardly regulate import and export activities. Also it was shown some samples of the double standards in international trade that happened while capitalism worldwide development in terms of world economy globalization. Industrial countries regulate export in order to protect a national security and to support external politic interests and restriction of exports of those goods which are in deficit in domestic market. Double standards are first of all related to protection of the interests of domestic producers in the framework of national security provision of a country. In this article also noted to existed “underground” economy, sector corruption, goods fair trade as well as other economic crimes in many CIS countries, that makes false picture of a real situation with export-import transactions between CIS countries. It is justified a need for making quarterly identification of the registered data on export-import goods transactions both in general and quantitative measures that could be provided based on inter-agency agreements between countries. It is necessary to develop a further trade-economic cooperation in terms of bilateral program of the Polish delegation visit to KRSU that support to dynamic strengthening of external trade between our countries to secure a real peoples value and to provide human potential improvement of both countries.

Rosja Putina – polityczny projekt budowy rosyjskiej państwowości

Author: Jakub Potulski
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 107-126
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011107
PDF: npw/01/npw2011107.pdf

Twelve-year period of Vladimir Putin’s reign in Russia (eight-year presidency and four-year term as Prime Minister) resulted in significant changes in all spheres of social life. Vladimir Putin took over the power in a difficult moment for Russia, associated with the weakening of authority (Russian state mechanism was disrupted, eaten away by corruption and weakened with internal struggles for the power and control over the economy) as well as strong financial and economic crisis. As a main task he set himself restoring the stability in Russia and creating a strong and effective state. At the same time he presented ambitious plans in the economic sphere (the transformation of Russia into one of the leading industrial powers of the world) and in the social area (changing social structure, supporting the development of the middle class, fighting poverty, stopping the negative demographic trends). The Russian political elites adopted the assumption that in order to achieve these ambitious objectives they need “vertical integration of power”, centralization policy of the country and need to increase the role of the state in economic life. During Vladimir Putin’s presidency (2000–2008) many economic and social goals were achieved and the Russian authorities achieved internal economic and political stability. The international authority of the country became stronger and Russia was intensively involved in the global processes. However, the internal stability was achieved mainly by strengthening the government power and limiting the internal democratization. The socio-political stability was achieved while maintaining full control over political and economic processes. The effectiveness of the central authorities was submitted to the continuation of the democratization processes which were recognized to bring the Russian reality into government disruption and country’s big crisis in the 1990s. The result is a unique political system in which the most important role is played by the state bureaucracy, fuel and energy sector, as well as special services.

Komiczna etnopsychologia

Author: Sejdachmet Kuttykadam
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 126-138
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011108
PDF: npw/01/npw2011108.pdf

The article talks about the stereotypes of national character, formed both in own minds and imported from other nations, about how, in the light of these stereotypes, cultural and behavioral consciousness of nation’s immediate, close and distant neighbors are perceived. The author identifies and amplifies the comic symptoms and character traits that are a stable component of such stereotypes and rarely have anything to do with reality. At the same time, the author draws attention to the importance of studying these distorting mirror “portraits” for better understanding of the true national characters, and the treatment of defined states by the international community. Also he identifies the colorful and comic stereotypes such as the images of Uncle Sam – American, Ivan – Russian, Han – the grandfather of Chinese, Kerim – Kazakh, Tashmataka – Uzbek and other folklore characters, actively utilized in various political disagreements, debates and conflicts.

Polityka Zagraniczna Państwa Środka na przykładzie Poradzieckiej Azji Centralnej

Author: Krzysztof Kozłowski
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 139-156
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011109
PDF: npw/01/npw2011109.pdf

The Chinese foreign Policy is dialectically intertwined with the state of Chinese economy. However, the economical aspirations of the Middle Kingdom are not the only fundamental motives of the Chinese diplomacy. State’s security still plays a very important role for Peoples’ Republic of China. Authorities in Beijing also emphasize the development of Middle Kingdom’s Soft Power as well as fostering the political links with the developing states. Complexity of PRC’s motives in international relations makes Western theoretical approaches in assessing tchem of little use. The basic problem in assessing the nature of Chinese international policy is the fact, that since 1989 China undergoes two dramatic processes: expansion (kuozhan) and reconstruction (chongjian). On one hand, expanding Chinese influence reaches further than ever in history. In this context, PRC’s development faces both traditional and unconventional threats. On the other, the process of reconstruction introduced a fundamental shift from a heavily ideologically inclined Mao approach to more nuanced strategies of nowadays. Analysis of Chinese politics is further complicated not only by Chinese actions but also by dynamics of the contemporary international change. PRC is the first Power of post Cold War era developed mostly on the basis of political, economic and social advantages of globalization. In consequence judging Chinese foreign politics on the basis of 20th century Western political categories misses the nature of the ongoing changes. Thus, it is more useful to analyze specific Chinese actions than assessing them through lenses of the theoretical models used in the West. In this respect a closer look at Chinese political actions regarding Post-Soviet Central Asia, its place in energy, security and Power politics, may prove to be surprisingly useful.

Współczesny rozbiór państwa. Casus Gruzji

Author: Józef Zawadzki
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 157-172
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011110
PDF: npw/01/npw2011110.pdf

The Article in its content covers the situation in the Caucasus, and describes the geopolitical conflict of Georgia with the autonomous republics of Southern Ossetia and Abkhazia and the Russian Federation. The article gives a brief history of Georgian State from the beginning of its statehood until modern times. The author shows the origin of the conflict. It also presents the policy of the Russian Federation in relation to the Caucasus, and in particular to Georgia. In the summary the author points out that the resolution of conflicts in today’s international relations should be carried out by negotiation. The military violence as a method to achieve political objectives, may only bring negative consequences. Georgia is the best example of such a situation, because there has been a defragmentation of that country-the loss of the territory, thereby reducing its meaning in the Caucasus region and in the international arena.

Wojownicy i mistycy. Dzieje i specyfika islamizacji Azji Środkowej

Author: Paweł Jessa
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 173-200
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011111
PDF: npw/01/npw2011111.pdf

The spread of Islam in Central Asia was the turning point in history of this region. The author offers a historical periodization of this long and complex process of successive initiation of Central Asia to the Islamic civilization, which began in the 8th century and lasted more than a millennium. The periodization is based on most important historical events, conquests, political upheavals and social changes that influenced the destiny of the region’s peoples. Much attention is paid to the history (concerning parts of the territory of Central Asia) and the penetration of the areas by the Islamic Sufi brotherhood, which played a controversial, but also a significant role in mobilizing the spiritual and cultural development of Central Asian societies. The article highlights the problems associated with the violation of human rights and the persecution of Islamic believers in the Soviet state, as well as the negative effects of policy of militant atheism.

Pozycja ustrojowa Rady Ministrów w systemie politycznym Białorusi

Author: Jacek Sobczak
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 201-231
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011112
PDF: npw/01/npw2011112.pdf

In the period from 1917 to December 1920 various organs of executive power associated with various political centres formed in Belarus. Also, in that period it was not known how to define the executive competencies and define the boundaries between its activities and the legislature’s privileges. In the period of the Soviet rule the Council of People’s Commissars of the BSSR (The Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic) was the executive body. It was only in 1977, after adoption of the new Constitution by USSR and after adoption of the basic Law by Belarus on 14 April 1978, that the appointed by the Highest Council Ministry of the BSSR became the highest body of the executive power. From 27th July 1990 The Declaration of the Highest Council of the BSSR brought changes and the Constitution amendments, in fact not too big. Prime Minister’s position was considerably weaker than in the days of the USSR. It presented a proposal for the composition of the government but decisions in this regard were taken by the Highest Council which voted on individual candidates. The Prime Minister was temporarily deprived the right to issue regulations with the force of law, which he had earlier. With time he obtained the right to issue decrees. The adoption of Constitution of the Republic of Belarus on 15th March 1994 had changed significantly the position of the government as the executive authority. The government was strongly associated with the president, to the extent that the provisions concerning the principles of his operation were given in the chapter devoted to the president. Naming was also changed. The Constitution gave up the term Council of Ministers, and replaced it with the Cabinet of Ministers, which was to carry out the tasks of the executive power, of which the President was an emanation. As a result of the introduction of subsequent amendments to the text of the 1994 Constitution, the name of the Council of Ministers was brought back, stating that the executive power in the Republic of Belarus was exercised by the government – the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Belarus – as the central body of the state administration – subordinate to the President and answering to the Parliament. Under the current text of Constitution (Art. 107), the government directs the system of subordinate bodies of state administration and other bodies of executive power, develops the basic directions of domestic and foreign policy and takes measures to ensure their implementation, draws up and submits to the President in order to submit a draft budget and report on its implementation to the Parliament. Furthermore, it safeguards the implementation of a uniform economic, financial, credit and monetary policies in the sphere of national culture, education, health, environmental protection, social security and wages. It also specifies ways to safeguard the rights and freedom, protection of state interests, national security and defence capability, protection of property and public order and crime prevention. The government also appears as the owner of the property owned by the Republic, it organizes the management of the state property, secures the execution of the Constitution, laws, regulations, decrees and President’s Regulations. It has the right to repeal acts of ministries and other republican bodies of the state administration. Finally, it performs all other obligations imposed by the Constitution, laws and Presidents Acts. The Constitution does not mention anything about the Presidency of the Council of Ministers. However, such authority was anticipated in the Council of Ministers Act. In the political system of Belarus the government is seen as a body with an exceptionally weak political position, practically completely dependent on the out come of the election, which for years legitimize the authority of A. Lukashenko who in practice decides not only about the personnel matters but also has a profound impact on the executive substantive decisions.

Polsko-rosyjskie miejsca pamięci

Author: Andrzej Chwalba
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 232-238
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011113
PDF: npw/01/npw2011113.pdf

Studies on memorials bring an opportunity for both our nations which considerable troubles with history after all irritate one another and neighbours. This is an opportunity to once again, anew lean on a common though usually competitive memory to define relationships, their place in history and their relationship with modernity. We realise that due to considerable degree of complexity, the necessity to carry a number of preliminary preparations and because of the nature of memorials, fast collaboration and unification is not possible. However, the work on memorials itself is necessary. As Austrian historian Csaky suggested, perhaps it is better to explore ambiguity than clarity of memorials. Thus it seems it would be more appropriate to focus on differences and complicated process of remembrance, memory, and on “pushing them out” of memory. This would allow exploring neighbourhing areas, interpenetrating various codes and cultural content of national cultures and their assimilation process, therefore studying memorials from the interaction and interpenetration perspectives. We must not forget the contemporary function of memorials in the construction of national, local and regional identities.

Historia i pamięć: korzyść zdystansowana

Author: Lorina P. Riepina
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 238-248
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011114
PDF: npw/01/npw2011114.pdf

At the end of the 20th century memory became a value corresponding to the modern pluralistic vision of the past. Today it is believed that “historical memory” in some way reproduces necessary for society communication with the past which before was provided by tradition. Issues of identity – individual and collective – have been attracting the attention of representatives of various social sciences and humanities for a long time. It is totally understandable that in contemporary historiography special attention is paid to the role of ideas about the past and historical myths as elements of social identity. Historical myths are perceived as credible “memories” and are a significant part of a specific world image while playing an important role both in the orientation of individual behaviours and the translation of ethical values. Therefore, there is a need to analyze the formation of various historical myths, their specific functions, their living environment, their marginalization or re-actualisation in everyday historical consciousness, their exploitation and ideological re-evaluation, including changing one another or competing national history narratives. A solution to one of the most important problems is becoming more and more current. It is associated with learning the mechanisms of recording and converting in memory of different generations their experiences of historical events, how nations and specific groups experienced profound social changes and conflicts (including the wars and revolutions), especially in the intercultural and comparative-historical perspective because these provide a key role in ideological polemics and political practice. What is the difference between “the history of historians” and other representations of the past, and what is the benefit of separating history from memory? Historical memory meets the sense of justice on the road of historical criticism. History gets its scientific status of historical knowledge by distancing itself from memory and making it the subject of critical analysis.

Mniejszości narodowe i etniczne w strategii kulturowo-politycznej państwa polskiego: czy jest to model idealny?

Author: Swietłana M. Czerwonna
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 249-267
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011115
PDF: npw/01/npw2011115.pdf

Poland is probably the only country in Eastern Europe which policy towards national and ethnic minorities has undergone over the past century such an amazing, zigzag path between the extremes of sudden fluctuations in the choice of social system models from multinational (in the broadest palette of languages, confessional-religious and regional diversity) to one-nation type (according to the rigorous maxim declared by the ideologues of the neighbouring country in categorical formula of “Ein Land – ein Volk / One country – one nation”). Already these extremes and contrasts in Polish experience deserve to be studied with attention and interest. This study is necessary in order not to repeat the tragic mistakes of the past and also to use the developed in Polish practice and the legal system humanitarian norms and tools to achieve an international agreement and ethno-cultural polyphony. The study undertaken by the author and generalization of the Polish experience in this field during the last century (from the early 20th to the early 21st century) – the experience acquired in the official state policy, legislation, international treaties and obligations as well as real relations between ethnic groups, the majority of population and minorities within the country, initiatives and history which set out the actual situation of minorities and did not always agree with the constitutional guarantees and norms of law – reveals the dynamics and a qualitative change of paradigms associated with milestones in the Polish history, like the rebirth of Poland in 1918 and its development between the Wars, World War II, the existence of PRL (Polish People’s Republic) which in turn had an internal gradation corresponding to the first post-war decade, years 1956–1968 and the last two decades of the communist regime. Finally, the Third Republic of Poland which began at the turn of 1989 and its subsequent reforms changed the whole face of the country, the life and structure of Polish society. This study consists of two parts. The first part is devoted to “pre-history” of the problem (prior history) – formation of Poland as a nation-state which embraces and connects many ethnic groups, including indigenous people, aborigines in their area and the arrivals of different times – and the changing policy and situation in Poland in the interwar, war and post-war era until the end of 1980s of the 20th century. The second part is devoted to the experience of The Third Republic of Poland in regulating and improving the international relations within the country. Its solved and unsolved problems will be printed in the second issue of the “New Eastern Politics” journal as a continuation and completion of this article. The greatest part of the material in the first part presented to the readers in the first issue of the new journal is sourced from the contemporary Polish literature, history, political and ethnological science which today is a rich multitude of statistical studies and research monographs, mainly on the specific national and ethnic minorities in Poland. Then it was completed with the data and findings from the field studies conducted by the author in 2005–2009 in the regions of compact residence of Lithuanian people in the province of Bialystok and the German people (“Mazur”) in the province of Olsztyn. From the individual episodes, examples and facts which characterize the changing situation of national and ethnic minorities in Poland at the time of historical breakthroughs, the author creates a general scene which highlights nodal contradictions, primary Focus of tension and conflict, fundamental errors of state policy (inter alia related to building PRL as a one-nation state), forms of discrimination and crimes against minorities. On the other hand, the author shows the actual achievements in the cultural development and in political self-organization of these minorities. The author draws attention to some kind of unique experiences of Poland gained in the times of The First Republic of Poland which is associated with the development of “positive discrimination of minorities” – with protection of certain privileges necessary to preserve their identity.

Symbole w przestrzeni politycznej Litwy

Author: Maciej Szczurowski
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 268-286
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011116
PDF: npw/01/npw2011116.pdf

Lithuania’s and Lithuanians’ present-day identity is determined, to a large extent, by consciousness formed by symbolic domain. The ways that the symbols are interpreted, understood, formed and used in real life are of great importance to functioning pragmatism of the entire political systems. The symbolism present in the political space of Lithuania can be narrowed down to a portrayal of Lithuanian statehood and nation being a victim of political actions of its neighboring states’ throughout the history. This arrangement together with its achievements forms the basic element of national consciousness of Lithuania and is a significant symbol in its political space. Worth noting is that this symbolism in general is as important to Belarus, its society, culture and the language as it is to Lithuania. Belarus is as equally entitled to Lithuanian heritage and thus to the symbolism of The Great Duchy of Lithuania. Every society holds its own symbolic universe that is made up of all creations, principles and norms of a specific culture. The symbolic field of political culture of Lithuania will most of all be assessed by answering the question of whether and to what extend is the political and civil culture of the Lithuanians capable not only to create its own standards but to adapt the basic cultural principles of the European Union.

Z problematyki kulturalnej na łamach kwartalnika „Lithuania”

Author: Joanna Mianowska
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 287-295
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011117
PDF: npw/01/npw2011117.pdf

Relations between Lithuania and Poland should be laid in layers not only in the sphere of interstate relations which are associated with the Polish and Lithuanian identity. It must be stated that although there have been historical disputes between our nations the countries have always enriched each other culturally. For example, Polish and Lithuanian interest in Adam Mickiewicz and Nobel laureate Czesław Miłosz work. Mutual interest in literature, painting, sculpture, music, art, film and theatre resulted in creation of the quarterly journal “Lithuania” in 1990. “Lithuania” widely presented socio-political, economic and cultural issues and not always exemplary relations between Poland and Lithuania. In the 90s famous names in Lithuanian and Polish culture were reflected on the pages of the quarterly “Lithuania”. “Lithuania” presents a work of dissidents (Tomas Venclova) and the broad spectrum of the culture of national minorities, which are a part of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Great writers Marc Chagall and Czesław Miłosz were writing about Jewish Vilnius in their times. “Lithuania” devotes much space to national minorities, for example the Ukrainian minority. The text presents information from the quarterly journal about Adam Mickiewicz Jubilee. The quarterly journal devotes a lot of attention to issues associated with our great poet and his writing. A separate topic of “Lithuania” is a presentation of similarities and differences between the Lithuanian and Polish cultures and mentalities. Classic literature in the pages of the quarterly “Lithuania” is perceived as a notion of important artistic values. However, it is a pity that during the 90s the quarterly journal lacked more references to the Lithuanian and Polish emigration literature and how they penetrated each other. It seems that the quarterly “Lithuania” owes a lot to the excellent editorial and reflections of the Chief Editor Leon Brodowski.

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