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Vol. 2(3)

Gosudarstvo i religija

Author: J.W. Nosowa
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 13-28
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012201
PDF: npw/03/npw2012201.pdf

Religion and state played a very important role in organising social life in the Russian Empire. Apart from religious life tasks, the Church was also running schools, hospitals and shelters. It was conducting cultural activities and ran full records of civil acts: births, weddings and deaths. For centuries, the Church gathered great fortune, and was using it to take care of such a wide area of interest. Clergymen became true lords of their parishioners’ thoughts, whatever the persuasion. After the October Revolution in 1919, one of the main tasks of the new government was to fight with religion and clergy, both regarded as ideological enemies. Already in 1917, after taking over power in the country, several state decrees were issued in order to eliminate religion from the nation’s life. In 1918 a document was issued, depriving the Church of a right to be represented in the social life as a legal entity, as well as confiscating all the Church’s fortune and bank accounts. All religious schools, printing houses, cultural institutions, even objects serving religious purposes – books, icons, sacrificial tables – were nationalised. Convents were changed into prisons, faith in God was announced to be a relic of rightly passed old times, and believing meant risking repressions. The Clergy were considered a social group that was supposed to become extinct, a sort of “former” structure. Religious life went underground. During the war, between 1941 and 1945, certain reliefs were introduced, with propaganda purposes, especially to improve the international image of the USSR and its leader, Stalin.

Among many organs created throughout many years in order to control religion and the clergy, the most significant one was the Russian Orthodox Church’s Council. The article contains a detailed description of this organisation’s activities within the Kirghiz Soviet Socialist Republic.

The ROCC’s activities’ analysis shows that it was the organ of detailed state control over the clergy and all believers, which was being executed directly by its agents.

Polnische und deutsche Ostpolitik im Spiegel der heutigen internationalen Beziehungen

Author: Krzysztof Garczewski
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 29-41
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012202
PDF: npw/03/npw2012202.pdf

Relations with Eastern neighbours play an important role for both Poland and Germany. For Germany Russia is a key partner in this area, but Berlin–Warsaw relations have developed rapidly over recent last years. Representatives of both states co-operated to enhance development of relations with Eastern neighbours of the EU. One of the most important issues is a Polish–German–Russian programme. For Poland the most crucial part of Eastern Policy plays the Eastern Partnership. Intensification of the co-operation with six post-Soviet states was one of the priorities of the Polish presidency of the Council of the European Union during the second half of 2011. The Polish–Swedish concept is also backed by Germany.

Polityka zagraniczna Prawa i Sprawiedliwości w latach 2005–2011. Próba bilansu

Author: Danuta Karnowska
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 42-52
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012203
PDF: npw/03/npw2012203.pdf

Up until the parliament and president election of 2005, the Citizens’ Platform and the Law and Justice were considered twin parties. The reason for that was, that both parties originated from the Solidarity movement and expressed similar values (the need to settle accounts with PPR, decommunisation, public figures’ inspection and general aversion to communism). Polish political scene’s observers in their analysis were frequently omitting some important differences shown in economical concepts and in the foreign policies of both parties. Not until after 2005 when the two camps got drastically divided, the differences in basic matters of both parties programme were emphasized. This also concerned foreign affairs. During the time when Donald Tusk’s government holds power for the second term of office, it is worth to bring up certain guidelines and a practical side of foreign policy conducted by the Law and Justice.

Sovetskijj Kyrgyzstan: vzaimootnoshenija intelligencii i vlasti (Postradavshie za ehpos «Manas» T. Bajjdzhiev, Z. Bektenov, T. Samanchin)

Author: Svetlana Ploskih
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 53-61
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012204
PDF: npw/03/npw2012204.pdf

The article is devoted to issues that were classified in times of mass repressions in the Soviet Union (including Kyrgyzstan). This also applies to the first Kyrgyz intellectuals, who studied the Kyrgyz national epic “Manas” about the hero of the same name. The epic has a thousand year old history and it traced the religious motives of Islam. It was the occasion that major designers of the problem, manasoveds T. Baijiev, Z. Bektenov, T. Samanchin from the Academy of Sciences of Kyrgyzstan were declared “bourgeois nationalists.” For promotion and study of the epic they were arrested and deported to gulags in Kazakhstan in 1949–1950 for penal servitude. Tashim Baijiev died there. The two others were later released, but they came back home as cripples. The epic “Manas” was banned from publishing. The ban was lifted a decade later. Scientists have been rehabilitated, but were unable to continue their work. Today, the epic “Manas” repeatedly reissued is considered to be a symbol of an independent and free Kyrgyzstan. Streets and squares of cities were named after Manas, there are his sculptures in Bishkek and scholars defend their candidate and doctoral dissertations on the subject. Those are the zigzags of relationship between intellectuals and the authority of Kyrgyzstan in the 20th century.

Socjalistyczna Republika Wietnamu wobec kryzysu w PRL na początku lat osiemdziesiątych

Author: Przemysław Benken
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 62-85
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012205
PDF: npw/03/npw2012205.pdf

This article was written in order to present some very little known facts concerning the Socialistic Republic of Vietnam’s attitude towards a huge internal crisis in Polish People’s Republic that took place mostly in 1980–1982 period. Hanoi was at that time in the middle of a spectacular economic recession and feared that some Solidarity’s ideals might as well corrupt Vietnam’s working class. Ho Chi Minh successors also thought that their problems were connected with the anticipated Soviet intervention in Poland could cause another Chinese invasion aimed at seizing their homeland. The last war between China and Vietnam took place in 1979. To protect their supremacy in the Indochina Peninsula, Vietnamese communists had to learn as much as possible about the Solidarity movement and were eager to give Polish comrades full support in it’s suppression. It was however Hanoi’s imperative that the Polish government could handle the situation by it’s ownmeans. In that case the Soviet Union would be able to use it’s full military and political powers to contradict any Chinese attempts to place the Socialistic Republic of Vietnam under Beijing submission.

Chiny (ChRL) i ZSRR wobec wojny w Zatoce Perskiej (1991 r.)

Autor: Tadeusz Dmochowski
Rok publikacji: 2012
Źródło: Polaż
Strony: 86-108
Adres DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012206
PDF: npw/03/npw2012206.pdf

The article shows the stand China (People’s Republic of China) and the split by inner political fights USSR took regarding the American initiative to militarily force out the Iraqi aggressor from Kuwait, as well as regarding the American anti-Iraq operation, Desert Storm. Both communist superpowers agreed with each other only 2 years before the operation, thus ending the 30-year long schism and hostility. However, among others due to Mikhail Gorbachev’s policy of new thought from one side and Deng Xiaoping’s reforms and open policy from the other, supported by Chinese independent foreign policy, despite many mutual points within foreign policy, Moscow and Beijing held different policies regarding the American intervention (arranged officially with the UN’s mandate).

While agreeing about the necessary withdrawal of Iraqi armies from Kuwait, as well as the restitution of its sovereignty, China and USSR differed in the coalition’s (particularly American) support towards military intervention against Iraq. For Beijing the intervention was only an element of the supremacy battle between USA and Iraq. For Gorbachev, it was a part of Soviet–American cooperation in building a partnership, as well as creating universal standards of political

activities on the international arena.

The Soviet political scene however, was deeply diversified. The followers of the west and of the USA supported the Iraq intervention, but left-wing politicians were appealing to Soviet politics’ tradition and were against following America’s moves. They wanted to continue the anti-USA policy in the Persian Gulf region, to hold friendly relations with Islamic countries and to bloc American initiatives cin the region, which according to them served to monopolize the USA’s domination in the area.

Wystąpienia społeczne w Republice Armenii w latach 1991–2012

Author: Paweł Nieczuja-Ostrowski
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 109-128
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012207
PDF: npw/03/npw2012207.pdf

The article shows an analysis of social protests in Armenia after it regained its independence. In 1991, the country had entered the path of political and economic transformation. However, like other post-Soviet countries faced many obstacles in the process of democratization. Currently Armenia is seen as semi-authoritarian or not fully democratic in a bad economic situation and the low standard of living of the population. During the last twenty years, there were many Armenia, mass public protests, some very violent, as in the years 2004 and 2008. The protests are of interest to many subjects of international relations because of the strategic importance of the South Caucasus region. This article attempts to identify (causes, specificity and consequences) of social protests in the Republic of Armenia.

National and Ethnical Minorities in Cultural and Political Strategies of the Polish State: Positive and Negative Experiences of the Last Quarter of a Century (From the End of the 1980s till the Beginning of 2010)

Author: Swietlana Czerwonnaja
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 129
DOI Address: 151
PDF: npw/03/npw2012208.pdf

During the time in question, the Polish state’s attitude towards ethnic Poles (the majority of the population), and towards national and ethnic minorities changed significantly. This was an important matter for the Solidarity movement members and all the documents they issued. It was also taken into consideration during the Round Table Talks. The Third Polish Republic began its history along with acknowledging national minorities’ rights. In 1989 the parliament called the National and Ethnical Minorities’ Parliament Board into being. The minorities’ rights were guaranteed in the constitution from 1997.

Numerous law acts regulating different life aspects of national and ethnical minorities are discussed in the article, especially the bill passed by the Senate on 6th January 2005 – About national and ethnical minorities and a regional language. The bill mentions 6 features distinguishing a national or an ethnical minority. On that basis, it was officially stated which groups are considered national and which are the ethnical minority in Poland.

The text discusses social organisations and mass information means, serving to preserve the minorities’ national identity.

National groups that were not acknowledged as minorities by the 2005 bill, were also introduced in the text – particularly Silesians and Kashubians. A polemic was developed with the document, by pointing out inequalities in treating different groups, that aspire to the minority status. It is really significant for the groups mentioned, since only the ones that were officially recognized as minorities can count on material and moral support from the state.

Czynniki naturalne warunkujące bezpieczeństwo Uzbekistanu i Tadżykistanu oraz regionu Azji Centralnej

Author: Grzegorz Nizioł
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 152-176
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012209
PDF: npw/03/npw2012209.pdf

On the basis of numerous examples, the author presents the influence of natural factors shaping the safety of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan and the States of Central Asia, as well as various actions undertaken by the authorities and international organizations to curb any rising threats and diminish their effects. It is pointed out that one of the major problems of the region is the shrivelling and drying-out of the Aral Sea. It seems that the irreversable processes which led to the ecological catastrophy of the region changed the climate, enlarged poverty, the spreading of diseases and gave rise to political tensions concerning the access to water supplies. Furthermore, the author underlines the influence of the past era, the Biological Warfare Laboratory on the “Vozrozhdeniya Island” and numerous containers with radioactive waste in Kirgistan near the Uzbekistan border. Another substantial problem is the occurrence of natural catastrophies and their considerable impact on the safety of the States of the Central Asian population throughout the years.

Przemysł zbrojeniowy Gruzji

Author: Irakli Matcharashvili
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 177-199
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012210
PDF: npw/03/npw2012210.pdf

Article titled “Georgia’s arms industry,” presents a historical perspective of the development of the industry after independence of this former Soviet republic in 1991. Presented is the specificity of abandoned arm’s factories in Georgia, by the retreating Soviet Union, and the equipment produced there, as well as the difficult processes of modernization and transformation of the industry, led by the now independent Georgia, involved in the bloody conflicts of the 1990s. Discussed is also military equipment created after the Russian–Georgian war of August 2008. This war was a real detonator of changes in Georgia’s military industry, determining the number and types of equipment manufactured. The article is enriched with illustrations, showing specific types of military equipment and armament, produced by the Georgian arms industry.

System bankowy i prawo bankowe Republiki Kazachstanu

Author: Dana Serikbajewa
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 200-211
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012211
PDF: npw/03/npw2012211.pdf

Banks are one of the fastest growing economy branches in the Republic of Kazakhstan. Since regaining independence in 1991, the financial system of the republic changed almost entirely from state ownership, centralised decision making and settling of accounts, into a system defined by market forces, with a right to private ownership, decentralised management and loan allocation, which is favourable for effectiveness growth and the financial discipline of economy. During the first period of reforms (1993–1994) numerous bills and other regulations were passed to adjust the banking system in Kazakhstan to market economy requirements. Institutional reforms resulted in among others commercialising state banks, but also closing down commercial banks going bankrupt, and simultaneously consolidating banks and merging initial capitals. Key documents for today’s banking system structure in Kazakhstan are bills passed in 1995: The Republic of Kazakhstan ‘s National Bank and The Banks and banks’ activities in the Republic of Kazakhstan. These documents ended the forming of legal and an economical basis for banks in Kazakhstan, describing the central bank’s status – the National Bank of the Republic of Kazakhstan – as well as lower level banks’ status.

Currently there are only two specialised banks operating in Kazakhstan – the Development Bank of Kazakhstan and the Zylstrojbank, whose activities are regulated by certain law acts. Among the commercial banks, the so-called Big Three is dominating: Kazkommertsbank, TuranAlem and Narodny. They represent 58.8% of all the banking system’s assets. The share of medium-size banks is 39% assets and the smaller banks are the subject of the biggest fluctuations – a result of their political situation.

Problemy współczesnej modernizacji Rosji

Author: Jakub Potulski
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 212-234
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012212
PDF: npw/03/npw2012212.pdf

The beginning of Vladimir Putin’s third term of office incites a search for answers what will the Russian Federation’s interior and foreign politics’ course be like. Modern Russia is awaiting crucial challenges regarding its place and status within the new reality connected with the shaping of the global information society. According to historical evidence, countries that adapt quickly to the new way of functioning might achieve a certain supremacy and therefore get profits coming from the newly created information civilization. States unable to conduct those changes will be pushed aside. That is why one of the main problems and challenges awaiting political decision-makers, especially those in developing countries, is how to conduct certain social, political and economical changes in order not to lose their position in relation to the top developed countries. For this reason during the last couple of years the idea of modernisation became a subject of arguments and disputes within the ruling elite as well as within the opposition, scholars, publicists and political affairs commentators. They all agree that present-day Russia needs modernisation, otherwise the state will become the outskirts of the world. If Russia wants to keep its international status, it has to be innovative and competitive and this can only be achieved by modernisation, Currently, a dispute is taking place within Russian political elites regarding the range and pace of changes. As for the Putin–Medvedev power duo, the first one occupies a conservative position, but the second one supports deep modernisation, that would include economy and political institutions.

Historia a polityka historyczna

Author: Aleksander Lipatow
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 235-247
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012213
PDF: npw/03/npw2012213.pdf

Recently, much has been said and written about the “historical politics”. If you look at this issue through the prism of history, it becomes obvious that this is a new phrase in its essence. It is the definition of the old practice of using stories to form certain political and ideological ideas. Realizing it is not based on the lessons of history as such, but on certain paradigms or nation-state doctrines that are recognized as only true in some states and at certain times. This is why in different parts of Europe history finds different conclusions for each national reality. In Russian historiography, politics of government and the Church, arising from the official ideology illustrate this kind of perception of history, its understanding and use served as a creation of Alexander Nevsky’s myth. Manipulation of history creates a false consciousness, which leads to what is devoid of critical thinking of the political culture of the ruling elite and the population. Not learning from history, periodically humanity steps on the same rake.

Rozważania co do ogólnej liczby jeńców „rosyjskich” w polskiej niewoli i odwrotnie w latach 1919–1922

Author: Lech Wyszczelski
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 248-276
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012214
PDF: npw/03/npw2012214.pdf

The case of Poland–Russia war prisoners from 1919–1920 is being used by modern Russian propaganda to neutralise the impact made by Moscow admitting to the Katyn massacre. That is why the prisoners’ number as well as of those who did not return during repatriation is presented as a higher one than it is in reality. They are considered murdered or dead during Polish captivity, without presenting any historical sources that would indicate so. An intentional Polish policy to exterminate the prisoners is frequently said to have taken place. All this happens as the anti-Katyn campaign, inspired the highest Russian authorities. Polish research did not find any basis for those charges.

The characteristic feature of the campaign is treating Polish prisoners’ fate in Russian captivity with silence. It was as tragic as their counterparts’ fate in Poland. With this in mind, Polish historiography’s silence regarding this issue is inexplicable. The lack of neutralising Russian propaganda should be considered a negligence with significant consequences.

The Crisis of the Westphalian System: the Problem of Sovereignty

Author: Irina Kunina
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 277-284
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012215
PDF: npw/03/npw2012215.pdf

Changes of the traditional Westphalian international system affect not only the content of world politics, but also of its subjects. If over three and a half centuries the states were dominant players in international relations and global politics (primarily interstate policies), then in recent years they were pushed from this position by transnational corporations, international private financial institutions, non-governmental organizations that do not have a particular nationality and large cosmopolitan intrastate regions. These have very different purposes, someI positive towards the maintenance of a stable world development; others (e.g., terrorist organizations) sees its task in the destabilization of the status quo. States were, and still are the most important actors of world politics, acting directly and through intergovernmental organizations. The development of the world political system at the end of the 20th–21st century casts a serious challenge to the base attribute of the state as the main party of international interaction – states sovereignty.

Konwencje Stolicy Apostolskiej z Republiką Litewską z 5 maja 2000 roku na tle konkordatów współczesnych z wybranymi państwami europejskimi

Author: Maciej Mróz
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 285-301
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012216
PDF: npw/03/npw2012216.pdf

Among all other Baltic States, Lithuania had a tradition of diplomatic relations with the Holy See, which began after announcing the state’s independence on 16th February 1918 and were continued up until the annexation of Lithuania by the USSR’s on 15th June 1940. When it comes to a system, the state-Church relations in the Republic of Lithuania were most of the time described as balanced. They featured from one side a constitutional inscription about the state and Church being separated, and from another – the constitutional right of religious organisations to function freely, according to their own laws and regulations, as well as rejecting the possibility to

introduce any kind of state religion in Lithuania.

Apart from the constitution and bills regulating the Catholic Church’s status in Lithuania, another law acts describing state-Church relations are three conventions signed by the Republic of Lithuania with the Holy See on 5th May 2000. They are as follows: agreement on cooperation within education and culture, the convention on law aspects of relations between the Catholic Church and the state, and the convention regarding military priesthood.

Apart from the full Polish concordat from 1993, or Portuguese from 2004, the conventions with the Republic of Lithuania – right next to the Estonian convention from 1999, Latvian accordo generale from 2000 or the accordo with Slovenia from 2001 and with Croatia in 1996 and 1998 – should be considered one of the numerous classic partial concordats, signed with European countries during the pontificate of John Paul II.

Rytuał wyborczy i jego wpływ na postawy wyborców

Author: Agnieszka Szuta
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 302-320
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012217
PDF: npw/03/npw2012217.pdf

Election is an inseparable element of the democratic system. Both the election campaign and the voting itself are the examples of the most spectacular political rituals. The voting ritual is connected widely with using certain symbols, myths and stereotypes.

Rituals play a significant role in society. Through the repeatability of actions and behaviour, they contribute to preserving the social order, as well as to inducing the community’s involvement. The ritual is a synonym of order, of generally accepted patterns. It also helps to keep social structures’ continuity. That way it creates a new reality, based on selected patterns and repeated actions. While analyzing the political situation in Poland, terms like theatre, spectacle, political arena or political actors are frequently in use. Politicians, through their behaviour, aim to attract the media’s attention – frequently by controversial behaviour and statements that are improper for a public figure. That way the political world changes into an arena of fight for power. This lowers the quality of political discourse, which is why a term tabloidisation of politics is frequently used.

Roles played by voters within any democratic system can be divided into two categories: rational and folk. The first one includes activities from the social and political area that bring certain results, the second – contains elements of magic. Unfortunately actions promised during the election campaign are far from realistic plans and agendas. The ruling class change into celebrities and actors with one purpose – to effectively play their role.

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