- Source: Show
- Pages: 203-230
- DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.06.11
There is an inextricable link between interest groups and the Polish state. Their origins can be traced back to the emergence of collective interests. As the state developed, interest groups advanced their organizational forms and secured more prominent influence on public policy. In the beginnings, interest groups played similar role as political parties. Eventually, their activities diverged and differences became apparent. The term „interest group” began to reflect an organized group of people pursuing particular interests of their members. That allowed to draw a demarcation line between political party and interest group based on the type of affairs they are engaging in, i.e. public versus particular, respectively. The importance of interest groups in democracy cannot be underestimated. It is argued that their participation in policy making improves the quality of law, as they are able to supply legislators with relevant data and analyses concerning particular social issues. However, in some instances, activities of interest groups are far from desirable in a democratic society. The most obvious threat stems from ability to corrupt government representatives vested with powers in policy making. Moreover, this particular characteristic is responsible for a negative image of different interest groups in society.
Subject of the paper is Fixed -term Parliaments Act which was adopted in 2011, under which the British monarch lost power to dissolve the parliament, which was in force since the beginning of the English parliamentarism. The author analyzes the few Polish and Anglo-Saxon literature comments to the Act, and also indicates the consequences of different legal solutions to the structure of the British constitution. As a result of the adoption of the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 there has been a change in the British Constitution: constitutional convention of Lascelles Principles lost its power, and also the earlier prerogative of the monarch expired and the so-called statute laws was added yet another piece of legislation. The author also notes that the adoption of the Act led to the inhibition of evolutionary strengthening the position of Prime Minister, among other organs of the state.
The tendency to seek knowledge and the desire to gain it is a result of basic existential needs of an individual. The idea is to fulfil the so-called cognitive needs by having access to information which an individual needs in a given place and at a given time. Nowadays, access to public information as a certain type of a legal institution is not only a condition for existence of a democratic rule of law but above all it is an efficient tool to implement numerous civil rights. Therefore, a precise definition of what instruments are included in the concept of common information law based on general rules applicable in the dis-cussed range, as well as in the range of regulations related to specific areas of an individual’s life, plays an essential role in the functioning of an information society. Determination of measures which a unit can benefit from, or which have been created for an individual within the institution of access to information, in particular in the field of spatial planning and development, is the main subject of deliberations conducted in this paper.
The paper presents the genesis and evolution of the minister in the Polish political system from the fourteenth century to the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland in 1997. Based on the literature study, the following issues have been presented: the origins of the institution of the minister of Poland, the rules of the ministerial offices appointment, competences and responsibilities of minister and the defining of its governmental position as independent officer and member of the collective body. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the institution of the minister, since the founding of this institution in the Constitution of May 3 to the solutions adopted on the basis of the Small Constitution of 1992, has the following characteristics in common: • the executive nature (minister always belonged to the executive authority), • the national range, • dual governmental role in the political system, i.e. as a single body specialized in a particular category of cases, as well as a member of a collegial body, • the political and constitutional responsibility. The study is based on an analysis of publications in the field of constitutional law and regulations contained in the various constitutions of the Republic of Poland, as well as ordinary legislation referring to the institution of the minister. The work has been complemented with an analysis of political practice in the field of the institution of minister development throughout history of the Republic of Poland.
minister w dziejach polskiego konstytucjonalizmu pozycja ustrojowa ministra w ujęciu histo- rycznym instytucja ministra w polskim systemie ustrojowym minister w konstytucjach RP instytucja ministra w Polsce
The article focuses on the reform of the Polish Senate. The main advantage of a bicameral parliament is the possibility of gaining dominance by different political parties in both chambers. Thanks to that the Senate can act as so called „chamber of reflection”. Meanwhile in Poland combination of elections to the Sejm and the Senate makes the party winning the elections to the Sejm also winning the elections to the Senate. Therefore it is necessary to consider the separation of the elections to this two chambers of parliament as well as change of the electoral law to the second chamber. These changes should lead to the transformation of the Senate to the „chamber of regions”. Thus strengthening the importance of the Senate which will begin to perform the functions of the „chamber of reflection”. Moreover thanks to the modifications suggested inhabitants of regions with less population will obtain greater impact on current politics.
The election protests concerning Polish elections to the European Parliament from 2014 year focused on a number of specific issues. Noteworthy is the number of them – 64. So far, in Polish European elections of 2014 year brought them the most. Still, a large percentage of judgments in election protests are those, in which The Supreme Court shall not act upon a complaint filed by a person not entitled to do so based on the grounds laid down in electoral code. This may indicate the ignorance of people who made such a remedy on the timing and the grounds of his lodge.
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