The West versus the East. Th ese two parts together make the world. The values of these two separate civilizations, which have up to now been so diff erent, are merging together as diff erences and distinguishing characteristics diminish. We therefore tend to discuss civilization dialogue as if it is a category of general spiritual values. As part of globalization the process it is logical that policies are pursued which aim to preserve national, ethnical, local, national, governmental and popular identities and peculiarities. Preserving and developing national identities is one of the key preoccupations of globalization. Th e history of civilization is developing. In spite of this development, however, equality has not been achieved, and the battle to decide winners and losers continues. In some areas the West is regarded as being ahead of the East, and in some cases vice versa. Th is is a natural phenomenon, however it is not a process with a single outcome. It has secondary purposes. The process of globalization in which Western and Eastern civilizations intersect with and civilize one other makes them unite. Th is phenomenon is not necessarily detrimental but has negative consequences. Scientifi c research has shown that ‘human equity is based on the fulfi llment of two diff erent origins – the West and the East.

East-Central Europe can be easily distinguished, despite diff erent views on the subject, as a geographical space. It cannot be said, however, that it constitutes a distinct and coherent political, economic, social, and cultural space. Changes taking place in contemporary Europe, in particular those associated with the integration processes, mark a new, specifi c dividing line, different from that during the Cold War. It runs across the geographical, and, consequently, social, political, economic and cultural space of East-Central Europe. Th e research objective is therefore to identify and analyze the “fracture” of social space in this part of Europe. For research purposes it is assumed that social space, denoting the whole of social behaviors and ties as well as material products of human activity, is a complex, multifaceted construction. Especially signifi cant seems to be the problem of the political empowerments of society and its limitations, the problem of the socio-economic situation, and the problem of cultural identity. It is also assumed that the EU’s political strategy currently being pursued, consisting in relinquishing the prospect of EU enlargement towards the east to include selected countries of the so-called post-Soviet area, contributes to strengthening “the fracture” of East-Central Europe. Th is is apparently the result of the European Union’s implementation of “A Europe of Projects” strategy, which is the measures undertaken under the European Neighbourhood Policy, Eastern Partnership, or Back Sea Synergy.

In the reality of the creation of the new civilizational face of the world, caused primarily by scientifi c and technical progress, international legal and formal solutions, education oriented on shaping the understanding of directions of cultural changes, one can observe trends both to uni- fication and diversifi cation of the image of human life, and in that the blurring of the boundaries between the core values of cultural life. In this image the strength of tradition is confronted with a modernity. Political divisions of the world are an example of this reality, and in that the blurring of the boundaries between the states. In the formation of the new spatial-political division borderlands are becoming a specifi c stage. For them important tasks are appointed in close-up among states, nations and ethnic groups, which are directly adjacent, and in that remains in the tradition of mythologized relationship, usually about the negative colouring. Borderlands are diff erently comprehended in the global and local space.

Questions of citizenship and nationhood have increasingly gained prominence given the internationalisation of employment, especially with respect to the free movement of workers within the EU. Scholar Rogers Brubaker has suggested that an absence of a strong identity as a nationstate and the lack of an established national citizenship have contributed to “the confused and bitter politics of immigration and citizenship during the last quarter-century” in Britain. This legacy continues to this day. For instance, on the fi rst of January 2014, migration and employment restrictions on Romanians and Bulgarians were lift ed, provoking mass public outcry in the UK. In a recent poll, three quarters of respondents expressed concern about the possible infl ux of Romanians and Bulgarian migrants. Playing on populist fears, London mayor Boris Johnson quipped: “We can do nothing to stop the entire population of Transylvania – charming though most of them may be – from trying to pitch camp at Marble Arch”. British ministers have even considered launching a negative publicity campaign in Bulgaria and Romania to dissuade migrants, highlighting the dreary weather and lack of job opportunities in Britain.

In the era of globalization, unifi cation and the disappearance of borders, paradoxically, increasingly important is their determination, stressing the diversity, regionalization eff orts to achieve autonomy. Th is is evident in the ongoing scientific discussion at the junction of many areas where there is the issue of the border is quite clearly marked. Th ese considerations place them in the context of politics, and therefore power, but located locally. This authority, its scope, instruments are determined by the nature of the border, which is analyzed in relation to the center. Th us, they are seen as places where all processes are either specific or autonomous in relation to those occurring in the centers, or (as they are parts of a greater whole) underlying causes of phenomena are searched beyond their borders1. In literature, the frontier is treated not as the periphery, located far away from the border territories, but diff erent in many ways, integral components of an organization, equipped with a certain degree of independence regarding the implementation of their own needs.

For some time now, an issue of the Europeanization has been quite deeply explored in literature on political science. Numerous authors take on that subject in a variety of contexts, which means that it is a problem that is very interesting from a scientifi c point of view. Th ere are plenty of Polish scientists researching this area, as well as a great number of foreign publications. An interest of Europeanization’s processes is most often investigated in the context of public politics. In this article, by the use of a nomological – deductive approach, the author endeavors to make an explanation of the term Europeanization and also to show to what extend and how the Europeanization of Polish armed forces succeeded in the context of their participation in missions lead by the European Union.

Europe, slowly but surely, appears to be recovering from one of the most damaging financial crises ever, but still our continent dangles in a sort of political suspension. The “Eastern Enlargement” from 2004 has been digested badly by the European Union. Currently, we are witnessing an overwhelming shortage of common ideas for the Community consisting of the twenty eight Member States, which is striking and, is in fact a grievous phenomenon. A number of exclusive political and economic initiatives realized beyond the institutional skeleton of the Union evolve, at least partially, into disruption of pure solidarity and rudimentary concord among nations. The multi-tier Europe, evidently faltering at a political crossroads, is gradually rising from the diff erentiation of the Community and, in consequence, presupposes some kind of socio-political and economic Centre and Periphery.

In the very first years of his presidency, François Mitterrand thought that he will really be successful on a day that another socialist was elected as a president of the Republic. This statement seemed to be prophetic with the victory of François Hollande, which took place 24 years after the victory of François Mitterrand and – after the sequential defeats of the Socialist Party’s candidates Lionel Jospin (in 1995 and 20022) and Ségolène Royal (in 2007) – allowed them finally to take the helm of the French government. The election of François Hollande was not a surprise. The very first opinion polls designated him as a winner showing the small popularity of Nicolas Sarkozy. Then one should estimate that the final electoral result obtained by François Hollande (i.e. 51.7% of the votes), from the point of view of the pre-election predictions of research institutes for the public opinion was a rather weak performance.

The subject of the discussion below refers to the political situation in present-day Spain in the context of a broad systemic crisis (economic, political, values, leadership, discourse etc.). Moreover, it covers the media’s impact on the administrating elite who are also subject to the crisis. Th e research questions concern the nature of the interactions among the trifecta of political actors, the media and public opinion. The fundamental question is to what extent the crisis of political elites is a result of systemic dysfunction (a so called de-democratisation of political life) or an eff ect of the media’s activities, which have disclosed and publicised some of the dysfunctions of the above elites. This article will attempt to verify the hypothesis of the aforementioned de-democratisation process in Spain, the extent of the media presence in political life, and the mediatisation of their politics.

The British political system is unusual in many aspects. First of all, Britain lacks a written constitution. The country’s political system has long appeared a model of stability in a changing world. It should be noted that European integration has had a considerable impact on the British political system. However, the election of Tony Blair government in 1997 was a starting point towards serious constitutional reforms. One of the most important was the devolution and The House of Lords reform. Apart from it Human Rights and Freedom of Information Act were introduced. In 2000 a directly elected mayor of London was elected. In 2010 a coalition government was established with David Cameron as the Prime Minister from the Conservative Party. The second were the Liberal Democrats. This coalition in itself was unusual in Britain’s post-war history. The set of changes in the British political system was an important part of the coalition agreement. The first stage was The Parliamentary Voting System and Constituencies Act 2011 which provided for a referendum on the voting system for UK Parliament and reduced the number of constituencies. The second was The Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 which set the date of the next general election as 7th May 2015 and on the first Thursday in every fifth year there after. There are only two circumstances when early elections can be held. The Monarch no longer dissolves Parliament, but the Act does not affect her/his power to prorogue Parliament. In 2011 proposed reforms to the royal succession were also announced. They changed the rules of succession and the fi rst-born child of a monarch would be heir apparent regardless of gender. Apart from it there were plans to reform the House of Lords again. Its current serving members were to be replaced by a semi-elected house of as few as 300 members (240 elected and 60 appointed). The plans failed, because they did not gain acceptance. Constitutional changes since 1997 have been extensive, but there was no holistic view on the reform process. Nowadays the country faces the possible separation of Scotland, which could lead to the breakup of the United Kingdom. It could be a revolutionary change of the British political system. However, there are close links between Scotland and the rest of the country and in all probability the status quo will prevail.

The Article reflects on the influence and distortion of mass media in modern days. Its original role of a bearer of truth, accurate information and its role, nowadays, used mainly to manipulate the audience to achieve a specific reaction. The overwhelming forces of media are illustrated on the examples of the American conflict with Iraq from 2003 to 2010 starting with the World Trade Centre Attack and ending with the opinion of the polish audience concerning the American-Iraqi confl ict. Th e article is divided in two parts, analyzing mass media and the foreign policy of George W. Bush over Iraq aft er September 11, 2001 and the role of US and Polish media in the process of citizens’ preparation for the conflict in Iraq. Th e first part approaches the importance of mass media for U.S. foreign policy against Iraq, created by President George W. Bush, especially after the September 11, 2001. It shows also how far society is involved in the maintaining of this policy. The article focuses on the influence of media during conflicts and how the public opinion and military actions influence one another. The second part focused on the supposed role of media to inform and prepare the people for conflicts. Instead, the society is overwhelmed with information so the risk shows, that the necessary news get partially lost. To prove this distortion a survey was made showing an accordance to the given information with different newspapers, radio and TV stations. Regarding the increasing of fear and misleading public opinion the Polish media did not react differently than the American. This process resulted in the opinion of polish society that their military forces should join the conflict in order to protect their freedom and safety.

The United States Secret Service is an American federal law enforcement agency that is part of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Until March 1, 2003, the Secret Service was part of the U.S. Department of the Treasury. The Secret Service has two distinct areas of responsibility: Financial Crimes, covering missions such as prevention and investigation of counterfeiting of U.S. currency and U.S. treasury securities, and investigation of major fraud; Protection, which entails ensuring the safety of current and former national leaders and their families, such as the President, former presidents, vice presidents, presidential candidates, visiting heads of state and foreign embassies. Protecting national leaders, visiting heads of state and government, designated sites and National Special Security Events has become more complex with the evolution of conventional and non-conventional weapons and technology. In meeting new challenges, the Secret Service will continue to provide progressive training, devise and implement sound security plans, measures, equipment and systems to ensure the safety of individuals, sites and events under Secret Service protection. Th e Secret Service’s unique investigative and protective mission is sustained by a strong, multi-tiered infrastructure of science, technology and information systems; administrative, professional and technical expertise; and management systems and processes.

Safety and defence studies have a very short history, as they were created quite recently. Hence the possible assumption that research methods that are used in them are in a sowing stage. In spite of it, there are researchers that decided to undertake a variety of explorative challenges and they try to use different research method, very often choosing them in reference to investigated reality. Therefore, it can be assumed that the methodology of safety and defence studies has not completely developed (yet). Borrowing methods from different sciences is a very difficult venture which causes situations when research results are false or they do not support any of the stated hypotheses. In the objective article, a review of research methods used for now in safety studies has been made. Of course, it can not be suggested that they are the only and the best ones. Actually, scarcely the quantity of conducted researches and investigated issues can let researchers make an observation which method is a leading one. For now, researchers try to look for accurate solutions for them and the investigated matter at the same time. It is very similar to a promotional work (such as essays, researches). In universities, where degree dissertations and Masters’ theses are being created, different research methods are used to apply to them. It happens quite often that the used methodology derives from pedagogical sciences. Some of the universities use research methods borrowed from political sciences. Another ones use methods that are quite sophisticated and very often draw from a variety of scientific disciplines. To recapitulate, one can hope that it is only the matter of time until together with maturating of the new discipline which is safety and defence studies, some methodological patterns will also be created.

The paper discusses the problem of difficult conflicts, whose dynamics is characterised by intensifi cation of factors influencing the course of a conflict, and conflicts which are considerably difficult to resolve. Among many conflicts of high intensity and escalation it is legitimate to identify a specific group of conflicts which can be viewed in a special way due to their parameters. The author of the paper suggests that they should be distinguished and regarded as a specific type of conflict called an expansive conflict. Expansive means expanding in size or scope, aiming at extension of influence or power, or in another sense: insistent and intemperate in expression of feelings, quick-tempered, effusive. Expansiveness means striving for enhancement of one’s impact, impulsiveness and effusiveness, as well as a kind of possessiveness manifested in extending one’s influence to more and more new areas. Therefore, asking about expansiveness, we pose questions: why – who – where – how strong – how fast. Th ese are the questions about the origin, parties to the confl ict, its place, force and rate of spreading. This uncomplicated model can be used to describe a conflict. The introduction of the notion of an expansive conflict can be justified and applied in practice for conflict processes of the extraordinary course, especially in relation to macro conflicts originating in the sphere of politics (superpower policy versus democratisation), economy (corporations) or culture (expansion of mass culture).

The Kyoto Protocol as the Framework Convention on Climate Change is a milestone in the formation and development of the climate change regime that is aimed at controlling global warming by the international community. But besides that this international agreement also became a factor that created new circumstances and opportunities for international cooperation. These circumstances were created for all the participants of the regime: the states, the non-governmental organizations on behalf of the societies and the business organizations as well as the corporations. The Kyoto Protocol became a catalyst for international cooperation between these international relations’ actors at all stages of its existence: the negotiation process, the ratifi cation of it and its implementation, leading to the establishment of new political, social and especially economic ties.

The role of the public sphere has increasingly come to the fore in studies concerning the state of democracy in Europe. Similarly the role of culture in formations and transformations not only of personal but of political identities as well has attracted attention. It is the purpose of this article to bring these areas together in a comprehensive approach to media, culture and democracy with a view of the public sphere as a crucial mediating field. Article focuses on the role of media in sustaining and developing democracy, a democratic dialogue and in fulfilling the role of media as the critical watchdog of the political system and other powerful players on the European scene. The concept of knowledge democracy is meant to enable a new focus on the relationships between knowledge production and dissemination, the functioning of the media and our democratic institutions. The emerging concept of knowledge democracy moreover obliges us to realise that the institutional frameworks of today’s societies may appear to be deficient as far as the above mentioned undercurrents, trends and other developments demand change. Democracy is without a doubt the most successful governance concept for societies during the last two centuries. It is a strong brand, even used by rulers who do not meet any democratic criterion. Representation gradually became the predominant mechanism by which the population at large, through elections, provides a body with a general authorisation to take decisions in all public domains for a certain period of time. Fragmentation of values has lead to individualisation, to uniqueness but thereby also to the impossibility of being represented in a general manner by a single actor such as a member of parliament. More fundamentally media-politics destroy the original meaning of representation.

The basic function of agricultural areas is, according to the European Charter for Rural Areas, agriculture and preservation of the natural environment based on a well-functioning agricultural sector that operates in harmony with nature. The Council Regulation (EC) 1257/1999 on support for rural development from the European Agricultural Guidance and Guarantee was adopted in 1999. The programmes that are currently binding in the territory of Poland were developed in accordance with the EU policy expressed in the abovementioned acts and other documents concerning development of rural areas. These included: the Rural Development Programme that focused on social and environmental aspects, as well as a part of the Sectoral Operational Programme devoted to the development of rural areas, as well as restructuring and modernisation of the food sector. Based on the priorities of the Council regulation, two strategic objectives have been set: 1) Improvement of competitiveness of the agriculture and food economy, 2) Sustainable development of rural areas. Implementation of these objectives requires the support of the Common Agricultural Policy. Polish European Union membership contributed to setting its objectives and increasing the ability to subsidise economic entities, as well as develop both the food and rural areas economy.

Political significance of sport is usually bound with international rivalry and conflict. However, sport tends to have a role in fostering international dialogue and cooperation as well. The aim of the article is to present the most important examples of this role of international sport. There is a number of examples verifying the hypothesis about consensual role of sport in international politics. Despite political signifi cance, sport is not purely a part of the world of politics. This situation grants sport with an advantage in possibility of establishing international cooperation. Some actions that could seem completely impossible concerning political reality, turned out to be possible in sport. Sports contacts can pave the way for a further, political agreements. For instance a number of specific ‘sports diplomacies’ have taken place, that were used by some countries in order to enhance their capabilities of impacting the international political system.

The paper refers to a diplomatic controversy between Brazil and the United States that took place in the late sixties of the 20th century. The reason of the dispute layed in a fact of exporting processed soluble coffee by Brazil to the USA at very competitive prices. The US processors didn’t have access to law grade coffees, which served as a raw material to fabrication of soluble powder. The US processors forced the Department of State to counteract that situation. As a result the USA government blamed Brazil of discriminatory trade practices and violating free trade. The controversy was put under the consideration of the International Coffee Organization. The proceedings coincided with the twilight of the American aid programme for Latin America called Alliance for Progress. The controversy was an instance of growing suspicions and deteriorating relations between Latin America and the USA, which changed its foreign policy in that region from supporting development of democracy in the continent toward backing up military regimes.

This article refers to the contemporary situation in the Russian economy and in the Russian capital economy. Economy in Russia is based on the extraction of raw materials. However, in 2010 economic forecasts for the country were optimistic. In this period economic development was strong and the country became a member of the BRICS group. One of the issues of the Russian Federation economy was the backing of the old system. Most investments were focused on the energy sector when in the public sector the changes were smaller. To increase revenues and funds big reforms are necessary and new investments. One possibility to improve the economic situation is to focus on greater extraction of raw materials. Another option is to resign from a monocultural economy. The situation in Moscow is better than the general economic situation in the Russian Federation. GDP increased regularly. In 2008 Russia took 15th place in the ranking of the hundred largest cities GDP. Th e Moscow economy is based especially on the trade of energy resources. Moreover, profi t is gained from business activities and industry. The level of unemployment in Moscow is the lowest in comparison to all regions. In the capital city it fluctuates between 0,5% and 1%. A major problem in the capital city is the constant immigration from other part of the Federation and other foreign countries. In majority, people who come to Moscow are the job seekers. Also the signifi cant problem is ubiquitous corruption.

The text deals with the topic of civic political competence (civic competence) as an additional criterion of the quality of the democracy. It shows both theoretical aspects of this issue, identifying some specific elements of competence and the methodological problems of the research on civic competence. The article also includes reflections on the implementation of civic competence in the processes of deliberation.

This text is a record of a speech given during the Third Polish Conference of Chairs and Departments of Political Systems. The main subject of this paper is the need to carry out research on political systems using diverse methods and takes, both legal and “humanistic”. The paper shows how important in terms of methodology it is to compare particular legal status with reality using examples when legal analysis is not sufficient, for example, on the account of social rebellion. The text identifies challenges that researchers of political systems face due to that fact. In this context is also discusses the problems related to studying such institutions as, for example, the Ukrainian Maidan.

In this paper we would like to present a certain philosophical concept, which may be related to some contemporary philosophical controversies (and to political philosophy’ controversies included) concentrated around such problems as, the meaning of metaphysics and as the understanding of freedom. We are going also to say a word about the particularity of the philosophical understanding of reality, including the status of intention for agreement. The concept we present further for additional foundation of the Habermas’ idea of communicative action is a compound of metaphysics itself, and of our own concept of metaphysics, and of the two particular questions – interpretation of Plato’s philosophy as well as interpretation of the Biblical message about anthropogenesis.

The most difficult period that the Polish Autocephalous Church of the 2ⁿ^d Polish Republic experienced was in 1938 when, by the decision of administrative authorities, over 127 sacral buildings in Khelm region and Podlachia were pulled down. The third transfer stage took place from 1937 to 1939 and, for the most part, took the form of demolishing Orthodox churches. (It should be noted that the demolition of Orthodox churches happened throughout the whole period of the existence of the Second Polish Republic.) The churches which were destroyed were those which were the symbols of the Russian Tsar’s reign. Over thirty Orthodox churches were destroyed, including the cathedral in Saski Square in Warsaw, the Sts. Cyril and Methodius cathedral in Khelm and the Resurrection cathedral in Bialystok. The demolition of these Orthodox churches – regarded as symbols of Russian rule – was spontaneous and often irrational. Nevertheless, it never happened on a massive scale. Only in 1938 did a programme of destroying Orthodox churches emerge as a distinct element of the Polonisation effort. This programme was initiated by the government itself. The official reason was that those churches were not needed, dilapidated, or had been built as a result of Russifi cation in the past. However, it appears that the reason was to weaken the Belarusian and Ukrainian national minority movement through closing parishes and active Orthodox churches. The “pacifi cation: of parishes in 1937 started in the Lublin region. First, a kind of social movement for the “propagation of Polish values and traditions” was created by the polish local authority. Then the army and police persecuted the Orthodox Church and people in order to convert them to Roman Catholicism. The demolition of Orthodox churches was conducted from the second half of May until the first half of July 1938. The actions were taken up by the local administration and co-ordination committees with help from the army and police in a hostile, anti-Orthodox atmosphere. To this end, the government used youth, army sappers, worker brigades, and even prisoners. Administrative and material measures were used to pressure the Orthodox who were blackmailed and threatened while their churches, which often served thousands of faithful, were destroyed. In most cases, the Orthodox community made no attempt to actively resist the demolitions. They prayed and protested, but were unable to oppose such an officially organised action.

The Scientific Conference under the name “Świnoujście LNG Terminal and the energy security of the region and Poland” was held at the Institute of Political and European Studies in Szczecin on 13th-14th November 2013. The Conference was attended by many eminent scientists and practitioners from all over Poland. Employees of inter alia AGH University of Science and Technology, Warsaw University, Jagiellonian University, Graduate School of Humanities and Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan, Western Institute and University of Wroclaw were present. Lack of experience in the execution of such investments in Poland and lack of national legislation adapted to the task required preparation and introduction of new laws and organizational solutions. Adopting the relevant legislation was treated as a priority by the Polish government and it helped to improve energy security and intensify the development of the Polish gas market. The location of the Świnoujście Terminal LNG in the Baltic Sea will provide the possibility of importing LNG from anywhere in the world and the distribution to operators in the country. The adoption of such solutions will be a viable diversifi cation of gas resources. This is important from the point of view of strategic Polish interests.

The Third Polish Conference of Chairs and Departments of Political Systems was held in the Palace in Ostromecko near Bydgoszcz on April 3 – 4. This time this event was organized by the Chair of the Political System of the Republic of Poland of the Faculty of Political Sciences and International Studies at the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń in cooperation with The Fund for International Cooperation Support n.a. Professor Czesław Mojsiewicz, Adam Marszałek Publishing House, and Eastern Studies Center. The event was held under the scientific patronage of the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń and Polish Political Science Association, while PiK Radio provided media patronage. Prof. Danuta Plecka (NCU) acted head of science, while Zuzanna Osmólska, MA, Katarzyna Miętkiewicz, MA and Paweł Jaroniak, MA were secretaries during the conference. The organizers suggested “Citizen and His Role in Shaping the Political System” as main theme of this year’s meeting. The plan of the conference included two lectures of valued experts on political systems theory and discussions. Among the speakers were the outstanding experts on the subject matter: Prof. Andrzej Antoszewski from the University of Wrocław and Prof. Tadeusz Godlewski from the Nicolaus Copernicus University. However, among participants were representatives of almost all university centres in Poland dealing with political systems. Amongst nearly fifty guests were scientists from the University of Warsaw, the University of Gdańsk, the University of Wrocław, the University of Silesia in Katowice, the University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn, the University of Łódź, the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin, the University of Rzeszów, the University of Zielona Góra, the Kazimierz Wielki University, the University of Szczecin, the Pedagogical University of Cracow, the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, the Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw, and, of course, the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń.

The seminary was a joint undertaking of the two committees of the Senate of the Republic of Poland and the Embassy of the Republic of Kazakhstan in Warsaw. It was held by the Senate Legislation Committee, Senate Territorial Self-Government and State Administration Committee and a team of the Embassy of Kazakhstan led by Ambassador Dr Yerik Utembaev. The seminary’s guests were Members of the Mazylis, Kazakhstan’s lower chamber of parliament chaired by Mazylis Deputy Chair – Mr Sergey A. Dyachenko. Besides, the seminary was participated by deputies, senators as well as representatives of business, academic and political communities, interested in and taking action for the development of the relations between Poland and post-Soviet states of Central Asia, including President of Adam Marszałek Publishing House, Dr Adam Marszałek, Doctor of Honoris Causa, Kyrgyz Russian Slavic University in in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. The organization of the seminary had several aims. The main aim of the event was the exchange of experiences between Poland and Kazakhstan in the scope of legislation concerning the activity of both countries’ territorial self-governments as well as in the scope of safeguarding freedoms and rights of national minorities. Of no less importance was enabling the Polish participants to learn the specific characteristics of the functioning of Kazak administration, which comes to pursue its tasks within a very extensive area inhabited by approximately 140 nations.

Publication by multiple authors “The social thought of the major world religions” by the academic editor Professor Maria Marczewska-Rytko and Professor Edward Olszewski is the fourth publication of the series “Religious system in the contemporary world”. So far the following works have been published: M. Marczewska-Rytko, Religie i polityka w globalizującym się świecie [Religions and politics in the globalizing world], UMCS Press, Lublin 2010, pp.361; M.  Marczewska-Rytko (ed.), Religion in the Changing Europe: Between Pluralism and Fundamentalism. Selected Problems, UMCS Press, Lublin 2003, pp.240; M.  Marczewska-Rytko, Religie niechrzeœcijańskie w Polsce, [Non-Christian religionsin Poland], UMCS Press, Lublin 1997, pp. 143.

‘The EU towards international criminal tribunals. Genesis, Concept and Practice of Cooperation’ is a study that focuses on the important research question of the broad and multi-aspectual problem of criminal tribunals on the international arena. This has been tackled in many Polish and foreign publications, however, to date no work has studied the EU cooperation with the three international criminal tribunals – two ad hoc ones and a permanent one. Therefore, it is necessary to recognise the ambitious and pioneering task and venture that the chosen research field is highly appropriate not only if one casts an eye at the monograph title, but foremost the case put forward in the introductory part.

Issues related to the administrative division of Poland are among those problems that are intriguing to various social circles: researchers, scientists, economists, politicians. Disputes as to the number of voivodeships and their shape have been going on uninterruptedly since the introduction of the new administrative division of Poland in 1999. Every now and then we are faced with recurring debates, disputes about the need to introduce changes in Poland’s territorial organisation, yet with no effects. That is why issuing the publication “Division of Poland into Voivodeships. An attempt at Objectivisation” in 2013 seems justified and necessary. This study might spur deliberations on the reorganisation of territorial space on a voivodeship level.

With these words of Mark Antony – as a motto – Patryk Wawrzyński could start his book. Published in 2012, the work is titled, President Lech Kaczynski. The unfinished narratives (Prezydent Lech Kaczyński. Narracje niedokończone), and it is just such an attempt of doing justice to the tragically deceased president of the Republic of Poland. The author has undertaken the task of presenting the views of Lech Kaczynski as they actually were – separating them from incorrect interpretations and opinions attributed by other actors of the Polish political scene: his opponents as well as allies. The book presents what the president actually said and wrote, and not his image created in the minds of contemporaries. This also means that it is concerned not with the president’s actions, but his own narratives. The author points out, however – in accordance with the approach of social constructivism – that these narratives affect political reality. Wawrzyński suggests considering Kaczynski’s own words as part of a transmission belt “between national culture and the international community.” This allows the author to illustrate “how cultural narratives, unique to given countries, are transferred – through the political behaviour of its leaders – to the international level and universalized in order to be understood independently from the particular heritage”.

The book entitled “World 2040. Does the West have to lose?” by Andrzej Lubowski was released in 2013 by “Znak” Publishing House. The content is divided into four parts. Part one is entitled “Tough Life of a Fortune-teller”, part two – “Where Are We and Where Are We Heading To?”, part three – “Riddles, Hopes, Pitfalls” and the last one entitled “Slides of Future”. The book ends with an epilogue. Andrzej Lubowski is a well-known economist and journalist. He has published articles from economic and the managerial fields. He graduated from Warsaw School of Economics. He lives in the US and he has been working in the US financial sector for nearly 20 years now. He used his experience of working at Citibank, Visa USA and both Polish and American boards of supervisors in writing the evaluated book. The Author’s professional career has been aligned to the energy sector, technologies and banking. He is aware of the difficulties that come with the attempts of forecasting in which way the world will be developing. According to this he quotes Niels Bohr’s words: “The forecasting is extremely difficult, especially the forecasting of the future”. The author tries to set himself against three visions of the world in 2040 that have been created by an analysts of Goldman Sachs bank (“BRIC swallows G7” theory), the analysts of Citibank (“Africa outruns Europe”) and Robert Fogel, a Nobel Prize winner in economy (“China declasses the world”). These three perspectives are based on the belief that the World 2040 development factor of most importance is the demography. The starting point of the discussion is the Author’s opinion that the energy policy and the specific mental determinants of the particular nations are more important than the demographic issues.