- Year of publication: 2017
- Source: Show
- Pages: 3-4
- DOI Address: -
The Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) enables European Union to take a leading role in peace – keeping operations, conflict prevention and the strengthening of the international security. It is an integral part of EU’s comprehensive approach towards crisis management, drawing on civilian and military assets. EU Battle Groups remain important for CSDP as the only military capabilities on standby for possible EU operations and as they are helping to reinforce the effectiveness Member States’ of military forces. EU Battle Groups are multinational, military units and form an integral part of the EU’s military rapid reaction capacity to respond to emerging crises and conflicts around the world. Therefore, Polish diplomacy actively acts in various forums (the Visegrad Group, the Weimar Triangle) to bolster the CSDP. Poland actively involved in the implementation of the CSDP through participation in EU Battle Groups.
This article focuses on the Central and Eastern European in the process of shaping their security relations. The aim of the paper is to present and analyze the evolution of security relations in the region under the aegis of the EU, NATO and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). The interplay of the institutions shows that the EU is not a single power in the European security system thus the maintenance of stable and peaceful relations depend mostly on cooperation between a number of institutions and groupings. The EU and NATO’ s role was central due to their policies of enlargement and the stabilization effects on third partner countries. The OSCE with its well promising position in Europe has been weaken due to decline of interests of major power states and its functions performed simultaneously by the EU and NATO. Both organizations have taken to a large extent the place of the OSCE.
The objective of this article is to analyse the impact of the Spanish democratic transformation on its multilateral relations. It analyses the strategies of Spanish governments in the transformation era and the process of accession to NATO, the Council of Europe and the European Communities. Source analysis and criticism methods (applied mostly to Spanish- -language texts), as well as comparative analysis were employed for the needs of this article.
Based on her research, the author concludes that changes to Spanish foreign policy were evolutionary in nature. Therefore, it took Spain several years to regain the full confidence of its partners. Before any breakthrough changes could occur in the multilateral dimension, Spain needed to normalise its bilateral relations.
The democratic elections conducted on the 15th of June 1977 in Spain was the breakthrough without which no accession to any important international organisation could ever happen. As the event clinched the state’s democratisation, it paved the way for Spain to join soon the Council of Europe. The accession process for the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation was more complex. The Spanish political scene was divided in that matter. Spain’s accession to the European Communities was the longest process. It was subject not only to the state’s democratisation progress but also to economic issues.
The European Neighbourhood Policy as a constituent part of the European Common Foreign and Security Policy is the arena of continuous, inherent as it were, tensions among the ambitions of Member States wanting to play the largest role in the shaping of the European Union’s relationships with the surrounding world. A characteristic and obvious quality of this phenomenon is the fact that particular Member States’ interests in a given region in the neighbourhood of the European Union increases in proportion to its geographical proximity. This creates naturally the phenomenon of a group of Member States interested or specialized in the region of the Mediterranean Sea, the Black Sea or the Eastern policy. Simultaneously there exists a considerable group of Member States which, because of a considerable distance from a particular region, shows little interest and consequently a frequent lack of understanding of issues related to it. The objective of this article is to capture this phenomenon and to try to systemize it through the notion and methodology of the National Specialization Index.
The multitude of defining the concept of security is related to the fact that representatives of various fields of science describe and perceive this phenomenon from the point of view of terminology, own knowledge, as well as from the scope of their discipline. For many security is a belief that you are out of the reach of any threat. Based on the Copenhagen school theory, the essence of the objective and subjective understanding of security was emphasized. Against this background, the movement of people was analyzed as a security issue. Poles living in Great Britain are more often in contact with this issue than in their country of origin. The scale of threats is extremely different. For Poles migrating to the UK, the most dangerous threats appear to be in the social sphere. The aim of the article is to analyze the phenomenon of Polish migration to Great Britain after 2004. Additionally, the process of describing security and its transition from the sphere of theory to practice was attempted. Although in the open public space, on city streets, parks and squares, there are personal threats related to crimes, as well as to social threats – attacks and assaults caused by frustrated and aggressive groups or individuals, Poles feel safe. Despite knowing about terrorism or manifestations of social or cultural phobias, Poles migrate to Great Britain. In addition, the article attempts to prove that the technological extension of public space leads to a sense of greater security.
The political transformation in Poland resulted in the reorientation of Polish policy in the field of understanding security. It found its reflection in newly defined policy directions, which were manifested in the search for new guarantees of security, development opportunities and giving a new character to Polish politics. The problem of ensuring state security in new geopolitical conditions is expressed in the adopted hierarchy of priorities for the implementation of the Polish raison d’etat. The implementation of the policy priorities means that Poland has a solid foundation for security. The Polish Army carries out many key tasks in it. The armed forces of the Republic of Poland became an element of the broad NATO security system. Building faith in defensive self-sufficiency, Poland distances itself more and more from Europe. Both threats and challenges require decision-making in matters of security and go beyond the traditionally understood security. As a consequence, Poland responds to both threats and challenges in the security policy of the Republic of Poland to a small extent.
Nowadays, migration of people on the territory of the European Union has become one of the factors determining Poland’s foreign policy and determining its bilateral relations due to the scale and dynamics of this phenomenon. Notwithstanding the fact that Poland, unlike other EU Member States directly bearing the costs of mass influx of migrants, is not a target country for migrants, the migration crisis associated with mass influx of people also indirectly affects the Polish reality. Emphasizing the implications of the migration crisis from the point of view of state security consistently strengthens critical opinions in Poland and at the same time determines the reluctance of the Polish society to accept immigrants (mainly from the Middle East and North Africa). The article focuses on the repercussions of the migration crisis from the perspective of Polish-German relations. The basis for this research area is, on the one hand, the role of Germany in the context of the migration crisis and, on the other, the presentation of different positions by Poland and Germany regarding the methods of stopping the inflow of migrants into the EU.
The aim of this paper is to present some praxiological remarks on the so-called Common Security and Defence Policy (earlier: The European Security and Defence Policy) of the European Union in the light of such terms as ‘hybrid warfare’, ‘networks’, ‘swarming’. The paper emphasizes the problem of consolidated hybrid security and defense.
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