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Ostatnio dodane

Author: Anna Kuleszewicz
E-mail: ak32528@amu.edu.pl
Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 618-627
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018402
PDF: ppsy/47-4/ppsy2018402.pdf

Streszczenie:

This paper aims to present a case study analysis of the condition of the electoral system in the Republic of Belarus after more than a quarter of a century of independence. The main purpose of the paper is to explain the discrepancies between legislation and practice. The author intended to note a real situation that dominates the country’s political scene in comparison to theoretical establishments. A Constitution of the Republic (created in 1994, with minor changes in 1996 and 2004) is the legal ground of the electoral system, however, procedural details were drawn up in the Electoral Code. The principles of Belarusian electoral code consist of some statements known from democratic models, such as universal suffrage, direct suffrage, secret ballot and equality. There are different types of elections in Belarus but the most important ones are presidential and parliamentary elections. Despite the detailed legal rules for conducting these elections, in fact, the principles of democracy, as well as the internal rules in Belarus, are not respected. Both presidential and parliamentary elections have shown this in recent years. Independent observers for a long time have been alarming about worrying electoral practices in Belarus. It is also worth emphasizing that since 1994, one man has been in power uninterruptedly, and Parliament has in fact a symbolic function. In the source materials, the author used Belarusian legal acts, analyses and reports, press notes as well as scientific papers.

Belarus elections Lukashenka Constitution president parliament democracy

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Author: Adam Szymański
E-mail: ar.szymanski@uw.edu.pl
Institution: University of Warsaw
Author: Wojciech Ufel
E-mail: wojciech.ufel@uwr.edu.pl
Institution: University of Wrocław
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 593-617
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018401
PDF: ppsy/47-4/ppsy2018401.pdf

Streszczenie:

For the past decade in many countries in Europe and its close neighborhood we have observed different types of processes which can be named as “de-democratization”. The aim of the article is to analyze the state of elections as the crucial democratic institution which fairness and competitiveness have a substantial impact on the political regime. While Turkey as a “role model” for our analysis remains a main focus of the article, three European countries were selected for a comparison based on their relative similarity to Turkey – Hungary, Macedonia (FYROM) and Serbia. The following questions are posed: Are elections in these countries free, fair and competitive? Can some types of electoral malpractice and irregularities be identified? How does the state of elections in terms of their fairness and competitiveness influence the political regime? The main hypothesis is that in the analyzed countries elections competitiveness limited by incumbents can become a factor deciding about the change within the political regime in the long run (loss of democratic quality) and also change the regime (to a less democratic one).

Macedonia (FYROM) Serbia electoral malpractice electoral integrity de-democratization political regime Turkey Hungary

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Author: The Editors
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 587-590
DOI Address: -
PDF: ppsy/47-4/ppsy20184toc.pdf

Streszczenie:

Polish Political Science Yearbook, 47(4). Published online: December 31, 2018. The Polish Political Science Yearbook is international peer-reviewed journal indexed in: American Bibliography of Slavic and East European Studies (ABSEES) Online, BazHum, Central and Eastern European Online Library, Central European Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (cejsh.icm.edu.pl), Columbia International Affairs Online, Cosmos Impact Factor, Directory of Open Access Journals, Electronic Journals Library, ERIH Plus, Gale PowerSearch, Google Scholar, HeinOnline, IBR – International Bibliography of Book Reviews of Scholarly Literature on the Humanities and Social Sciences, IBZ – International Bibliography of Periodical Literature on the Humanities and Social Sciences, ICI Journals Master List, International Political Science Abstracts, Open Academic Journals Index, POL-Index (Polska Bibliografia Naukowa) and The Lancaster Index.

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Author: Joanna Siekiera
E-mail: joanna.axe@gmail.com
Institution: Collegium of Socio-Economics, Warsaw School of Economics
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 581-586
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018311
PDF: ppsy/47-3/ppsy2018311.pdf

Streszczenie:

Conference on Opportunities for Law Graduates as Lawyerlinguists with the EU. Dublin, (7 March 2018), The Honorable Society of King’s Inns

Multilingualism is now considered as the mean of achieving common goals on the European ground. This term can be referred to speaking several languages at the same time, and as to an official requirement for the employees of an organisation or a company who should communicate internally and externally by using more than one language and finally, as to multiculturalism which can apply to an individual’s capability to master several languages. But since the EU has extended equal treatment to 24 languages spoken in all of its member countries, there is a huge demand for translators, interpreters, linguists and lawyer-linguists. The Irish language, being a working one, while not yet a XX language is an interesting example of achieving the largest scope of multilingualism in the EU.

Irish language Irish multilingualism linguist lawyer-linguist European Union

Author: Łukasz Kołtuniak
E-mail: lukasz_koltuniak@poczta.onet.pl
Institution: Jagiellonian University in Kraków (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 576-578
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018310
PDF: ppsy/47-3/ppsy2018310.pdf

Streszczenie:

Book review: Jerzy Juchnowski & Jan Ryszard Sielezin, The concept of state and nation in Polish political thought in the period of war and occupation (1939 – 1945). Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek Toruń 2016 (pp. 295). ISBN: 978-83- 8019- 487- 8.

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Author: Ewelina Wojciechowska
E-mail: ewelina.wojciechowska@hotmail.com
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 573-575
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018309
PDF: ppsy/47-3/ppsy2018309.pdf

Streszczenie:

Book Review: Sylwester Gardocki (Ed.), Rosja i jej sąsiedzi. Studia i szkice. Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek: Toruń 2015. ISBN: 978 -83 - 8019 - 208 - 9.

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Author: Jed Lea-Henry
E-mail: jedlea_sh@vignanuniversity.org
Institution: Vignan University (India)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 553-570
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018308
PDF: ppsy/47-3/ppsy2018308.pdf

Streszczenie:

The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was created in the hope of overcoming the barrier that state sovereignty, as a principle, had become to actions of humanitarian intervention. It was imagined that as mass atrocity crimes were coming to the attention of the international community, that, on the whole, they were willing, able and eager to intervene in order to stop the violence in question. Holding them back was sovereignty as both a legal and normative barrier. This was always a bad explanation for the pervasive lack of humanitarian intervention; accordingly R2P, as a bad solution, has failed almost entirely. The problem is, and always has been, that when faced with mass atrocity crimes, the international community is plagued by a near-permanent lack of political will to action.

humanitarian intervention R2P responsibility to protect international crimes international law

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Author: Agnieszka Szpak
E-mail: aszpak@umk.pl
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 537-552
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018307
PDF: ppsy/47-3/ppsy2018307.pdf

Streszczenie:

The author attempts to define amnesty and describe conditions that must be met for amnesties to be in accordance with international law. This in turn involves an analysis of legality of amnesties. The paper also examines motivation for granting amnesty and desirability as well as the future of granting amnesties. In the end a nuanced approach is adopted highlighting the fact that amnesties are neither conditio sine qua non for a lasting peace solution nor ticking time-bombs for peacebuilding. This reflects the idea of this paper that justice is not an absolute and sometimes it might be necessary to let go and combine judicial and non-judicial mechanisms (including the disclosure of truth and reparations for the victims) in order to achieve sustainable peace.

impunity international crimes peacebuilding amnesty peace

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Author: Justyna Doroszczyk
E-mail: justynadoroszczyk@gmail.com
Institution: Polish Academy of Sciences (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 521-534
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018306
PDF: ppsy/47-3/ppsy2018306.pdf

Streszczenie:

The aim of the article is to analyse Russian active measures in the context of psychological warfare. Active measures are defined as the actions of political warfare conducted by Russian secret service. In case of Russian Federation they are the core of psychological operations that are tools of realising international and domestic policy priorities. Active measures include disinformation campaigns and supporting insurgency in opponent states. Regarding the context of psychological operations active measures are designed to model the mental sphere of opponent society. Active measures are aimed at weakening the unity of the European Union as well as common trust in NATO. Creating favourable atmosphere for Russian activity is the main goal of implementing active measures. Therefore active measures are considered as a great part of Russian interpretation of psychological warfare. Although active measures can support the military activity they are designed to influence the mental sphere of opponent society and are used to create opinions and interpretations that match Russian interests. Those measures are difficult to identify and therefore are threats that are not easy to counteract.

secret service active measures Russian Federation security

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Author: Michał Pietkiewicz
E-mail: michal.pietkiewicz@uwm.edu.pl
Institution: University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 505-520
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018305
PDF: ppsy/47-3/ppsy2018305.pdf

Streszczenie:

In December 2017 and January 2018, the Sejm and Senate, thanks to the votes of the deputies of ruling party Law and Justice, passed hugely controversial law amending inter alia Polish Electoral Code. Its adoption was opposed by the parliamentary opposition, by the electoral administration bodies and by many experts, however unsuccessfully. The enactment of this law destabilises the electoral system without a clear or evident need and treats the electoral code as a political instrument. Secondly, it does not provide the sufficient time for adaptation (vacatio legis), which may jeopardise free and fair local elections and the stability of the political system. Thirdly, the bill contains numerous unclear provisions and is in many parts written in a careless and contradictory way. Such amendments do not correspond with the European standards, described in the Venice Commission’s Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters.

Russian defense Russian doctrine territorial defense state security military doctrine

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