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UWAGA!

Pracujemy nad nową stroną internetową czasopism Wydawnictwa Adam Marszałek. Jej planowany termin uruchomienia to 1 maja 2025 roku, jednak z przyczyn technicznych nastąpi opóźnienie – nowa strona zostanie uruchomiona najpóźniej do 19 maja 2025 roku.

Ze względu na niedziałające zakładki w polskiej wersji obecnej strony czasopism prosimy kierować się na wersję angielską https://czasopisma.marszalek.com.pl/en/. Do końca bieżącego tygodnia będą tam umieszczone polskie wymogi i informacje na zmianę z angielskimi.

Przepraszamy za wszelkie niedogodności związane z obecną wersją strony.

ATTENTION!

We are working on a new website for Adam Marszałek Publishing House magazines. Its planned launch date is May 1, 2025, but due to technical reasons, the launch has been postponed — the new website will go live no later than May 19, 2025.

Due to the broken tabs in the Polish version of the current magazine website, please refer to the English version https://czasopisma.marszalek.com.pl/en/. By the end of this week, Polish requirements and information will be placed there alternating with English ones.

We apologize for any inconvenience caused by the current version of the website.


Punktacja czasopism naukowych Wydawnictwa Adam Marszałek według wykazu czasopism naukowych i recenzowanych materiałów z konferencji międzynarodowych, ogłoszonego przez Ministra Edukacji i Nauki 17 lipca 2023 r.

Scoring of scientific journals of Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek according to the list of scientific journals and reviewed materials from international conferences, announced by the Minister of Education and Science on July 17, 2023.


  • Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne – 100 pts
  • Edukacja Międzykulturowa – 100 pts
  • Historia Slavorum Occidentis – 100 pts
  • Polish Political Science Yearbook – 100 pts
  • Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego – 100 pts
  • The New Educational Review – 100 pts
  • Art of the Orient – 70 pts
  • Italica Wratislaviensia – 70 pts
  • Nowa Polityka Wschodnia – 70 pts
  • Polish Biographical Studies – 70 pts
  • Azja-Pacyfik - 40 pts
  • Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie – 40 pts
  • Kultura i Edukacja – 40 pts
  • Reality of Politics - 40 pts
  • Studia Orientalne – 40 pts
  • Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej – 40 pts
  • Annales Collegii Nobilium Opolienses – 20 pts
  • Cywilizacja i Polityka – 20 pts
  • Defence Science Review - 20 pts
  • Pomiędzy. Polsko-Ukraińskie Studia Interdyscyplinarne – 20 pts
  • African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus Political and Legal Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. Czasy Nowożytne i Współczesne - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. De Musica - 0 pts
  • Viae Educationis. Studies of Education and Didactics - 0 pts

Czasopisma

Nowe czasopisma

Czasopisma współwydawane

Wcześniej wydawane

Coloquia Communia

Coloquia Communia

Paedagogia Christiana

Paedagogia Christiana

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Peculiarity of Man

The Peculiarity of Man

Czasopisma Marszalek.com.pl

Judicial Activism in Poland - Remarks against the Background of a Resolution of the Formation of the Combined Civil Chamber, Criminal Chamber and Labor Law and Social Security Chamber of the Supreme Court of 23 January 2020 (BSA I-4110-1/20)

  • Author: Aleksandra Szydzik
  • Institution: University of Gdańsk
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3744-859X
  • Year of publication: 2020
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 177-189
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.05.13
  • PDF: ppk/57/ppk5713.pdf

The paper aims at analyzing the phenomenon of judicial activism in Poland against the background of a resolution of the formation of the combined Civil Chamber, Criminal Chamber and Labor Law and Social Security Chamber of the Supreme Court of 23 January 2020 (BSA I-4110-1/20). The author discusses the Supreme Court’s powers to resolve divergences in the interpretation of law and then provides an analysis of the nature of the resolution of the Supreme Court. The considerations made in the context of the paper lead to the conclusion that in situations of a threat to the rule of law the courts not only have a right but also an obligation to take active measures to protect the common good.

Regaining Sovereignty? Brexit and the UK Parliament

  • Author: Natalie Fox
  • Institution: Jagiellonian University in Krakow
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4513-7997
  • Year of publication: 2022
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 499-510
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.06.37
  • PDF: ppk/70/ppk7037.pdf

The flexible formula of the British Constitution results in a relative openness to external influences. Notwithstanding this fact, the United Kingdom’s (UK’s) membership in the European Union’s (EU’s) structures (1973–2020) resulted in a progressive limitation of the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. Brexit will not reverse the effects of the ‘soft’ modification of the foundations of the UK’s system, which occurred in the sphere of the practical implementation of the competencies of the branches of governance. Prima facie, the decision on the UK’s withdrawal from the EU should result in a ‘renaissance’ of the traditional doctrine of Westminster sovereignty, per A.V. Dicey. However, judicial activism, continued validity of the European Convention on Human Rights (incorporated on the basis of Human Rights Act 1998) and the irreversible consequences of the devolution of competencies in the UK for Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland are the factors that hinder the possible revitalisation of the sovereignty of the British Parliament.

Political v. Legal Sovereignty in the Context of the European Union’s Influence on the United Kingdom’s Judicial Activism

  • Author: Natalie Fox
  • Institution: Jagiellonian University in Krakow
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4513-7997
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 229-239
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2024.04.18
  • PDF: ppk/80/ppk8018.pdf

In recent years, the United Kingdom has seen a growing doctrinal discourse around competing models of legal and political constitutionalism. The situation has been exacerbated by ongoing changes in both theory and practice, which have engendered a strong conviction that the UK is now departing from the political constitutionalism associated with the traditional model of parliamentary sovereignty, in which Parliament’s legislative power is unlimited by law and the courts have no right to question the validity of laws on substantive grounds. From a theoretical point of view, legal constitutionalists contributed to provoking this change while desiring to continue to promote it by moving almost completely and exclusively towards legal constitutionalism, thus supplanting its political formula. From a practical point of view, however, one should bear in mind that the events that led to a specific change in thinking about British constitutionalism encompass, in particular, the legal consequences resulting from the UK’s membership in the European Union, including the phenomenon of the so-called judicial activism. Nevertheless, these events were also induced by the expansion and strengthening of judicial review of administrative actions, judicial shaping of the principle of legality, as well as by the enactment and application of the Human Rights Act 1998.

Realism in International Trade Relations: Limiting Judicial Activism

  • Author: Dmytro Skrynka
  • Institution: University of Warsaw (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0005-8714-3235
  • Year of publication: 2025
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 19-37
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202502
  • PDF: ppsy/54-1/ppsy2025102.pdf

The WTO dispute settlement system crisis is an important milestone in the history of international law. Since the realist school in the study of international relations is known for its attention to the limits of the functions of international law, it is quite appropriate to review the key concepts of the realist school relevant to the current crisis. The ambitious endeavor to minimize the use of political methods of dispute settlement in international trade disputes within the institutional system of the WTO has not been quite successful. As postulated by realists, the political processes prevailed over the international legal procedures. In this article, based on the realist approach, the causes of the stalemate of the WTO dispute settlement system are analyzed, and recommendations are presented for remedying the current situation. The comparative analysis method is used for this. The article translates the relevant concepts of international relations by key realists, including the classification of international disputes by Hans Morgenthau, into specific recommendations for resolving the ongoing crisis.

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