In the first half of 1990s, Lithuanian–Belarusian relationships were characterised by their low intensity. This situation remained unchanged also when Alexander Lukashenko came to power in Belarus in 1994. Lithuania and Belarus followed a completely different course in their political, economic and military integration. The European and Atlantic course won in the Lithuanian politics, while in the Belarusian politics the Eastern direction prevailed. After presidential elections in 2001, bilateral relations in Belarus were frozen. Only in 2007 there was a convergence of Lithuanian and Belarusian interests, when increasing Russian influence started to pose a threat to their sovereignty. There was a new opening in Lithuanian policy towards Belarus. Political and economic cooperation tightened. An extent of Lithuanian investments in Belarus also increased. Belarus has played an increasingly important role in Lithuanian politics. Lithuania also acts as a mediator in a conflict between Belarus and EU. Both countries also criticised Russian involvement in the Ukrainian conflict. In the nearest future, further development of economic and political cooperation between these two countries should be expected.

The paper addresses problems related to energy policies pursued by Central European countries. It identifies the amounts of energy resources in individual countries in the Visegrád Group as well as the transmission infrastructures they use for natural gas and crude oil. The author discusses projects aimed at diversifying energy supplies which are of key importance to V4 countries. The article also presents relations between those countries in both within the group and bilaterally. When outlining prospects of a V4 energy strategy, the account is taken of such vital aspects as relations with the Russian Federation and the contribution made by Visegrád countries to EU actions designed to develop a single energy market.

The importance of oil in the relations of the People’s Republic of China with the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council in the second decade of the 21st century

The development of the Chinese economy in recent years and the changing international situation has led to the People’s Republic of China increasingly seeking stable sources of energy that could feed its developing economy. The countries of the Middle East, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran, occupy a significant place in China’s energy security policy, but in the second decade of the 21st century, Beijing’s intensification of relations with Arab monarchies from the Gulf Cooperation Council can be observed. This article aims to show the role of energy security in Sino-Arab relations in the second decade of the 21st century and the importance of oil imports for the development of the economy of the People’s Republic of China.

Ensuring the energy security is currently one of the EU’s top priorities. The EU energy policy, after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, is regulated by Article 194 TFEU, which guarantees a solid legal basis for European Union actions in this area on the basis of the Community method. The European Parliament, within the scope of its Community competences, as a participant in the decision-making process, contributes to shaping the face of the EU energy policy. Furthermore, by adopting nonlegislative resolutions, the EP expresses its position on the most crucial issues included in this policy and has an indirect influence on its shape. The aim of this article is the analysis of the content of these resolutions and presentation of the EP’s opinion on the challenges facing the EU in the field of energy. It should be highlighted that the European Parliament is the EU body with a strong emphasis on a supranational approach to energy security. The European Parliament prefers the view that all Member States, in a spirit of solidarity, must take actions to guarantee the EU’s common energy security. In favour of a common, integrated European energy market, the EP puts great emphasis on the necessity to implement ambitious climate policy objectives within its framework, the key element of which is the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions.

This article reviews the academic literature on the regional security complex of the South Caucasus, which has been drawing the attention of the academic community for a long time. The paper aims to examine the security dynamics in the South Caucasus with a focus on Azerbaijan and a way in which domestic security is interconnected and linked to the region`s neighborhood and global arena. The conceptual framework for the paper is the regional security complex theory, elaborated by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver. South Caucasus is an unstable region with several secessionist conflicts and interstate wars, exposed to the influence of its neighbors, which shape the regional security environment. Besides, the region is riven by geopolitical fractures as regional states have various foreign policy orientations, which hampers the resolution of regional conflicts and complicates cooperation. The research is carried at three levels of analysis - the domestic level, reviewing internal vulnerabilities and state to state relations, interregional level, examining dynamics between regional and neighboring states, and the last level - global, considering the interplay between regional and the world-leading powers. Correspondingly, sections of the paper study internal challenges and threats of the regional states, examine relations between Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, and their neighborhood - Turkey, Iran, Russia, as well as global powers - the EU and the US to analyze similar and conflicting interests and patterns of influence. The article concludes that the South Caucasus security environment is unstable, hampered by the failure of democratic transformation and unresolved conflicts, namely Nagorno-Karabakh, which Russia uses as a tool to keep Caucasian states in a sphere of its influence. It is evident that Azerbaijan plays a vital role in the production and transit of hydrocarbons from the Caspian region to Europe. Therefore, it is crucial to eliminate threats coming from the region and to ensure the security of energy infrastructure, carrying energy resources westwards.

A retrospective of bilateral economic relations between EU and Russia

The European Union and Russia are different in economic terms. In opposite to traditional Russia, the EU is a new type of international community. Both sides are both partners and rivals aware of their addiction. The rivalries result from the collision defending Russia’s sphere of influence and the aspirations of the enlarging Union. The Union’s goal is to develop not only through deepening cooperation, but also by admitting new members to the community. The Russian Federation in the development of the EU sees a threat to its superpower position, and this is also the result of actions aimed at inducing disintegration in the EU, because the divided Europe is a weak Europe.

Turkey’s energy security

Türkiye is dependent on imports of energy resources from abroad, but its current economic strategy is based on the diversification of supply sources, which will make it less susceptible to possible manipulation by suppliers. The government’s energy policy focuses on increasing the share of renewable energy resources and domestic energy. Despite the ongoing armed conflict in Ukraine, Türkiye has not given up on energy cooperation with Russia, trying to balance between East and West. The main reason was the Covid-19 pandemic, which forced Ankara to intensify economic and energy contacts with Moscow again. The aim of the article is to present the challenges that Türkiye is currently facing in the sphere of energy security. The authors of the article will try to answer the following research questions: What is the primary objective of Ankara’s economic strategy? Does Türkiye have alternatives to energy cooperation with Russia? The role of Ankara in the NATO Alliance is crucial as well as its position in the international arena. For this reason the research on Türkiye must be carried out.

The natural resource sector has become a dominant part of the Russian economy and thus affected the political developments of the state greatly. Understanding of the interplay of Russian politics and economics after the fall of the Soviet Union is integral for understanding why Russia has developed steadily into a more autocratic direction during the past few decades. The phenomenon through which we will be analyzing the intertwining of political and economic spheres of Russia is the natural resource curse concept. We seek to understand what factors have contributed to Russia’s failure to avoid the natural resource curse and give examples on how the natural resource curse manifests itself especially in today’s Russia political reality. Does the abundance of natural resources contribute to the emergence of a hyper-presidential, autocratic regime in Russia?

Development of innovative energy hubs – a panacea for difficult times?

The Energy Hub concept can be defined as a central point where multiple energy carriers meet and the corresponding energy flows can be processed, conditioned, stored and ultimately distributed according to demand requirements in an optimal manner. The energy node modeling concept describes the relationship between input and output energy flows and can be used to optimize energy consumption during planning and operation. The hub can store surplus energy generated by photovoltaics for a long time and cover electricity and heat needs, even during periods of high demand or low renewable production. The research goal of the article is primarily to present the concept of innovation in the field of energy and to identify key energy hubs for the development of the modern economy, as also indicated by one of the authors of the innovation concept, Christensen, who treats distributed energy as the so-called a breakthrough innovation, i.e. one that will gradually replace the classic energy system from the market.