The People’s Republic of China currently possesses the second biggest national economy in the world, smaller only to that of the United States. It is also a matter of time for China to become the greatest economic power, at least regarding share in aggregated global GDP and the sphere of international trade. Growing engagement of China in global economic development and its dependence on other participants of trade exchanges have made this country a  more ‘responsible shareholder’ of the international economic system. China has a  great development interest in upholding a  stable world economic situation, and especially in proper economic relations with the United States and the European Union, on whose markets its healthy development largely depends. Whether China will soon become a “mature, responsible and attractive superpower” depends to a significant degree not only on its efforts but also on proper relations with major trade and investment partners around the world. It seems that mutually beneficial economic relations between the PRC and the European Union (founded on mutually beneficial and strategic cooperation and not on serious and opaque competition) constitute one of the key factors determining this scenario’s validity. Unfortunately, for the time being, many problems arise in this relationship. They come from both sides requiring a proper diagnosis, as well as a scientific analysis including both assessment and prognosis. The presented scientific article tries to meet these expectations.

Geo-economics is an approach that, in general, looks at the links between politics and economy in the international arena. This article is an analyses overview of the presence of geo-economics strategy in the Polish-Russian relations. The author focuses particularly on the problems of investment, trade and energy.

On April 18–19, 2011 the University Library in Toruń hosted an international academic conference entitled Contemporary Latin America. Politics – Society – Economy (Współczesna Ameryka Łacińska. Polityka – społeczeństwo – gospodarka). The conference was organised by the Faculty of Political Sciences and International Studies of the Nicolas Copernicus University under the honorary patronage of the Marshal of the KujawskoPomorskie Voivodeship Piotr Całbecki, the President of Toruń Michał Zaleski, the Honorary Consul of the Republic of Peru in Toruń Stanisław Rakowicz, Ph. D. and the Rector of the NCU Prof. Andrzej Radzimiński, Ph. D. The participants represented higher education facilities from all over Poland as well as the international organisation, Community of Democracies.

Each enlargement of the European Communities (EC) and later the European Union (EU) has had an indisputable in! uence on inner cohesion of the organization itself. The participants of the integration processes have included the countries deviating from the previous Member States by the level of the economic development, the structures of their economies, macroeconomic conditions, etc. This differentiation has taken its toll especially on the functioning and the expenses of common policies (mainly transfer ones) as well as the execution of the integration reinforcement plans such as the European Economic and Monetary Union. In this aspect the most serious consequences were caused by the admission of countries that were much weaker economically, especially Ireland, Greece, Spain and Portugal. These countries had to go through a long way of reforms in order to become rightful members of the organization and for their integration with the Communities to become a mutual success. A big part of the expenses connected with these reforms was financed by the common budget thanks to the structural funds and the Common Agricultural Policy.

Transformations in the ownership of state owned companies in Poland a! er 1989 played a pivotal role in the general political transformation which took place in Poland at that time. Those ownership changes were an essential element of the political transformation of Poland. The process of transforming the country’s economy from central economic planning to free market economy was started by Tadeusz Mazowiecki’s government. On October 9, 1989, the Council of Ministers accepted a document Guidelines and Directions of Poland’s Economic Policy which aimed at stabilizing the country’s economy and at transforming its economic system. " e stabilization programme was supposed to be implemented by January, 1990.3 " e second stage of the governmental plan was planned for the years 1990–1991 and one of its main tenets was a transformation of ownership rights. Krzysztof Lis, the government’s plenipotentiary for ownership transformation, was responsible for the organization and legislation of the process of privatizing Polish economy. T. Mazowiecki’s cabinet prepared both a draft for the new amendment of the legal act concerning state owned companies and a dra! of a new act about privatizing state owned companies.

It is already the third time when the International Scientifi c Conference has taken place in Torun, attended by more than 100 scholars from all scientific centres as well as several participants from abroad. The initiator and scientific manager of all so far conferences has been dr Joanna Marszałek-Kawa, assistant director of the Faculty of Political Sciences of Nicolaus Copernicus University. The conference was arranged by the Asia – Pacific Society and the Faculty of Political Sciences, Faculty of International Studies of Nicolaus Copernicus University and Polish-Chinese Friendship Society.

Polish economy is one of but many issues with which the Council of Ministers is concerned. It is managed and run by appropriate ministries, which are responsible for how well they function. Since 1945 most governmental jobs were given to men. There were very few women actively functioning in public life. Throughout the history of the Polish People’s Republic not a single woman was appointed either Prime Minister or VicePrime Minister and very few women were nominated as ministers. There were only two women who were responsible for economic matters, if only to a very limited degree – Maria Milczarek, the Minister of Administration, Infrastructure Economy and Environmental Protection (from 2nd Dec, 1976 to 8th Feb, 1979), and Anna Kędzierska – the Minister of Domestic Trade and Services (from 30th May, 1984 to 6 th Nov, 1985).

The Baltic Sea Region was the first multi-country region in the world to adopt common goals and actions for sustainable development. The instrument for that cooperation is Baltic 21 (formally “An Agenda 21 for the Baltic Sea Region”). There are two de"nitions of sustainable development (SD): technical and nontechnical. Technical definition: “a sound balance among the interactions of the impacts (positive and/or negative), or stresses, on the four major quality systems: People, Economic Development, Environment and Availability of Resources”. The non-technical definition was given as being: “a sound balance among the interactions designed to create a healthy economic growth, preserve environmental quality, make wise use of our resources, and enhance social benefits” [Global Community Assessment Centre].

A characteristic feature of a modern state is dichotomy of its development. On one hand, it is striving a!er unification and universality of social, political and economic solutions aiming to integrate the world, but on the other, there is a growth of tendencies disintegrating a country, development of localness, aspiring to give local communities high level of independence and self-deciding powers, that is: the reverse of massive society. The phenomena connected with unification and aspirations for preserving local identity are complementary and complement one another. The globalization of world-wide system does not mean its inner homogeneity. The world is perceived as an internally diverse reality.

Since the fall of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Russian Federation has been trying to regain its importance in the global arena. One way of restoration of influence in the world is to build a multipolar order, including the establishment of regional alliances. Shanghai Cooperation Organization is one of such attempts in the region of Central Asia, and even the entire Asian continent. Therefore, drawing attention to the role of Russian Federation in the development of this structure appears to be important, especially when considering the growing significance of Central Asia as a result of the construction of the New Silk Road. Russian authorities, however, do not limit their involvement to the single structure. At the same time they are working on development of other organizations, aimed at building their influence in the world. By such actions Russian Federation is trying to minimize the significance of the People’s Republic of China, European Union and United States of America, especially in the so-called near abroad.

Social media and media education. New job markets
Presenting the definition of media education with all its aspects seems to be a breakneck task. Media education is mostly analyzed in relation to a specific phenomenon or process. Digital media, in particular social media, become an important space for media education. Communication platforms of this type are constantly changing and improving. They create a new kind of instability of knowledge and skills. The aim of this work is to present the perspective of social media as new labor markets in the space of the digital information and skills economy.
The analysis in the theoretical layer was based on the work and perspective of Jan van Dijk – social aspects of new media. The secondary analysis of source data and the secondary analysis of in-depth interviews supplemented with author’s interviews were used in this work.

Political thought of polish underground national movement during World War II

Nationalists were one of the numerous Polish political movements during World War II. Actively engaging in the fight against the occupying forces, they suffered heavy losses, but does not prevent them in the creation of significant heritage in the field of political thought. The aim of the article is to present the political thought of Polish national movement during the Second World War. Historical, qualitative and comparative methods were used. The whole has been divided into several parts,, in which author examines the with issues of political thought as: Polish war aims, vision of state borders, ratio to national minorities, vision of the political system, economic vision, vision of national security, education and upbringing. The whole article has to show how rich the heritage of those generations.

The specificity of guanxi – positive or negative social capital?

The text presents the problem of a Chinese-specific phenomenon known as guanxi. Their features and their connection with Confucianism were discussed. They emphasized their permanence and continuous presence in Chinese society, emphasizing their evolution after China adopted the principles of market economy. Also tried to look at guanxi in terms of social capital, showing elements connecting both phenomena. It has been noted that some researchers have a tendency to perceive guanxi in terms of negative social capital. This approach was considered as unauthorized as a result of Western ethnocentrism and pointed to the need to respect the cultural distinctiveness of the East and West. It has also been pointed out, that the interest in China and the role that guanxi play, especially in the sphere of economy, may be due to fears of Chinese domination, as well as the lack of understanding by the West that effective modernization based on other patterns is possible than those preferred in the Euro-Atlantic cultural circle.

U.S. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC INITIATIVES TOWARDS NORTH AFRICA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY

The Mediterranean Area is a very important region at the contemporary international relations scene. Since 2001, the United States have established closer relations with North African countries. There are two main goals of the American foreign policy towards Maghreb. The first one of these goals concerning cooperation is searching for the alternative way of supplying the United States by African gas and oil. Such countries as Algeria, Libya, and Nigeria are some of the biggest holders and exporters of these natural minerals. Nowadays, the U.S., the European countries and Russia are in rivalry for Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) and oil contracts with the African partners. The winner of this competition will keep control of the whole market of minerals, and from the political, economic and strategic point of view will be stronger in the future. The second one is supporting by Maghreb countries the U.S. counter-terrorism military operation “Active Endeavour”.

Financial carieer of Przecław Potulicki, the castellan of Rogoźno, in late medieval Wielkopolska

The second half of the fifteenth century saw the growing importance of the magnates of Wielkopolska, supported by King Casimir the Jagiellon, who sought a counterbalance to the hitherto leading role of the nobles of Małopolska. This was the beginning of lasting political and property careers of a number of families from Wielkopolska.

Socio-Economic Concepts of Priest Antoni Szymański

Among the Catholic thinkers and social activists of the interwar period priest Antoni Szymański is for sure an exceptional figure. He can certainly be called the leader of the Catholic-social camp in the Second Polish Republic. This is justified not only given his rich literary work in this field, but also because of the numerous functions he performed at that time. He was at the head of the Social Council of the Primate of Poland, the Union of Polish Catholic Intelligentsia, and the Catholic University of Lublin. Over the years he was the chief-editor of „Prąd”, undoubtedly one of the most important Catholic periodicals of that period. In his socio-economic views, he consistently promoted the personalist position, opposing both capitalism based on individualism, and all sorts of collectivist conceptions.

Selected Aspects of Chinese-French Relations in the 21st Century

The relationship of the People’s Republic of China with the French Republic was initiated in 1964 and has been constantly evolving since then. The 21st century and the changes taking place in the international system have contributed to the growth of China’s position in the international arena as a superpower, while France has been trying to maintain its dominant position in the European Union for two decades. Both countries have a lot in common and divide. The element that binds both countries together is their status in the UN Security Council, their ambivalent attitude to the superpower status of the United States, and the mutual willingness to expand economic cooperation. Among the factors that differ Beijing and Paris, there are rivalries in Africa and the approach to human rights. This does not change the fact that France is one of the main directions of China’s European policy and makes it one of Beijing’s most important political and economic partners. The international situation that both the Chinese and French governments have to face may contribute to a change in bilateral relations in the near future and the need for both sides to look for another partner in the region - in Europe through China and in Asia through France. This article aims to highlight the most important aspects of Sino-French relations in the 21st century, with particular emphasis on political and economic cooperation, especially in the context of the coronavirus pandemic. Outlining these aspects in the relations between China and France determines the construction of the article, which consists of three main parts corresponding to the relevant issues. The aim of this article is also to answer a number of research questions, such as: what were the most important controversial issues in Sino-French relations? Has the title of the most important politicians at the head of China and France influenced bilateral relations? Do relations with France’s changing relations affect the international position of the PRC? Among the research materials used in this article, Polish, English and French-language literature can be mentioned, because access to Chinese materials is extremely difficult, including their translation into other languages. A number of research methods have been used to analyze this research problem, including historical analysis and description or decision method.

Russia’s intervention in Syria in 2015 marked the Russian Federation (RF) return as a key player in the Middle East and North Africa. In this context, the relations between Russia and the UAE are of utmost importance for both entities, for the region, and globally. This article seeks to fill a gap in scholarly knowledge by answering questions about the nature of the emerging cooperation between Russia and the UAE. How Russia seeks to use the UAE to expand its sphere of influence in the MENA region and how the UAE uses this cooperation to achieve its foreign policy goals. The article applies protocooperation (an analogy to the ecological relationship) as a model for the Russia-UAE partnership. The RF is strengthening its position in the MENA regarding the UAE as a key partner for regaining its political, economic, and military influence in the MENA region. Russia-UAE’s partnership aims at achieving conjunctural geopolitical interests benefiting from diminished Western, mainly the US, presence in the region.

Celem artykułu jest analiza pojęcia wojny i jej związków z ekonomią w filozofii społecznej J.G. Fichtego, w oparciu o „Zamknięte państwo handlowe”. W pierwszej części naszkicowany zostaje model autarkicznego i racjonalnego państwa, który posiada pewne podobieństwa z projektem politycznym Grakchusa Babeufa. W tym kontekście poglądy polityczne Fichtego zostają określone mianem „socjalizmu republikańskiego” w kontraście do liberalnej doktryny Immanuela Kanta. W drugiej części zbadane zostają ekonomiczne i geopolityczne przyczyny wojny. Filozof przede wszystkim krytykuje rodzący się globalny rynek kapitalistyczny. Podsumowując, dla Fichtego idea zamkniętego państwa ma gwarantować pokój tak wewnętrzny, jak zewnętrzny. Jednak filozof będący admiratorem rewolucji francuskiej, dopuszcza sytuacje, gdy wojny są etycznie usprawiedliwione.

The aim of our considerations is to present the most important determinants and implications characterizing the views of the young generation of Russians on the political and economic events taking place in the Russian Federation in 2020–2021. The subject of our interest will be the analysis of the causes of growing disapproval of young people towards the president of the country, Vladimir Putin, in this period. At the beginning of this study, we will examine the political situation in Russia following Putin’s next re-election in March 2018 and the deterioration in the economic situation of the country’s young citizens, multiplied by the outbreak and development of the coronavirus pandemic. An important problem that we faced is the attitude towards the return to the country in January 2021 of the oppositionist Alexei Navalny and his immediate detention by repressive state authorities, resulting in social protests, in which young Russians widely participated. It will also be important to analyze the role of social media in shaping the views of Russian youth. In addition, we will discuss the issue of economic problems of the Russian state that are increasing in strength, affecting the condition of the part of Russian society that is entering adulthood. In conclusion, we would like to answer the questions to what extent the disappointment of young Russians towards the person and government of Putin will contribute to the decline in support for him, and whether the Kremlin has real instruments to reverse the trend that is negative for the rulers.