The parties empowered to lodge a constitutional complaint under the Polish model are defined in Article 79(1) of the Polish Constitution, stating that: “Everyone whose constitutional freedoms or rights have been infringed, shall have the right to appeal to the Constitutional Tribunal (...). The above quoted article is considered to have the fundamental significance in the process of identification of the parties entitled to lodge a constitutional complaint, so in other words, provides a clear answer to the question who can effectively lodge such a complaint in order for the adequate proceedings to be officially opened (however – which is explainedin detail in this article – having fulfilled certain specifi ed objective conditions).

The end of Cold War left Central Europe facing rediscovered tensions, but with little training in co-operation. Bilateral, regional and sub-regional co-operation, both at the intergovernmental and trans-frontier levels for example between the BENELUX countries and between Nordic Countries, has been an integral part of the process of European integration since 1945, but it was relatively underdeveloped in Central Europe.

The notion of ‘style’ with reference to power is inherently vague and non-existent in the research terminology of social science. On the other hand though, it is difficult to find a more adequate expression to describe a peculiar, individual way of making use of powers deriving not so much from systematic adjustments as from the personality of a leader. Political power does not simply come down to a simple mechanism of giving and executing orders. It is a sort of performance demanding appropriate requisites lights, prestige and actors. As Herman suitably states: authority by its very nature seeks obedience and enhances prestige. Adopting a common view that each leader is a product of his own age, the personality of a president, therefore, incorporates both individual features and a shared experience of his generation. Considering the ways of realization the presidential power in Poland after 1989 it should be referred not only to its institutional or political aspects but also to historical and cultural background as factors co-determining this peculiar model of leadership.

After World War Two, German historiography focused its attention on a few aspects:

1) the resistance movement in Nazi Germany; 2) losses that Germans suffered from the Allies in the years 1943-45 (air raids, contributions, plunder, rapes and robbing);

3) the occupation and 45-year long division of Germany. Only if the events were shown in this way, could Germans play the role of the victims instead of initiators of the war.

The end of every decade after the fall of the Third Reich brought a discussion on the year 1945. A question was asked: Was it the end of German statehood or was it rather the beginning of a new stage on the way to a democratic state of free German countries?

At the same time, East German historians argued with West German ones on the continuity of the German Reich after 1945. From 1951, it was the German Federal Republic that identified itself with the German Reich.

Since the reunion of both German countries, the historiography of the new, joint German state has tried to show that the Third Reich was not rooted in German tra ditions, but was – as Ernst Nolte claimed – a „false link in the history of Germany”, and that the feeling of defeatism prevailed among Germans in 1945. It was social democrats and communists that were first to shake off that feeling. The contemporary German Federal Republic, does not feel responsible for the Third Reich, even though it is its legal heir.

Summing up the positions of German historiography (in the years 1949-1990 of two German states – the German Federal Republic and the German Democratic Republic), I believe that the escape from the Eastern Front, expelling Germans, unconditional surrender, and hardships of the post-war period were the direct result of the war started in 1939 by the German nation led by Adolf Hitler. The sooner Germans universally accept it, the more respected European nation they will become. They must also recognise the fact that after 700 years, history came full circle – both Polish and German peoples have returned to their roots – the times when their predecessors came as settlers and conquerors…

The analysis of the materials show that the CIA prisons, where the members of Al-Kaida were kept and interrogated, were founded in Poland in 2002 when the country was governed by SLD. The PiS politicians who were in the following government knew about the fact but did not want to reveal it to the public. The party of PO which has been governing the country since 2007 has not solved the problem yet. European Court Of Human Rights held in its verdict of 24 July 2014 that there had been the CIA prisons in our country. According to that verdict Poland violated the European Convention on Human Rights and its ban on torture. Poland has not solved the problem, prolonging the investigation 15 times. It is extended until 11 April 2015. On 23 October 2014 our country appealed to European Court of Human Rights to hear the case again.

To 1654 Ukrainians were creating one country with Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, but at the same time they were feeling as a second class citizens. For this reason in XVII century with the help of neighbouring Tsardom of Russia they’ve started the uprising and detached themselves from Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth without creating new country. Instead according to the council of Pereyaslav from 1654 they choosed to be under rule of the Tsardom of Russia. After the mentioned council Republic of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth become weakend to the benefit of Tsardom of Russia. From this moment on Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth have been in decline to the point when in XVIII century they lost their independance. After the First World War when Poland regained freedom under Józef Piłsudski an attempt was made to create an Alliance of independent countries lead by Poland as reaction to the Russian imperialism. The alliance called “Intermarium” included: Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Belaruse as well as Finland and Romania. To make the idea succesful Ukraine needed to be created but the idea failed to succeed. Instead independent Ukraine was created after the dissolution of Soviet Union even so Ukraine was still under immense influence of Russia. In 2014 Russia annexed during the war with Ukraine part of it – Autonomous Republic of Crimea. Till then Russia is trying to detach eastern provinces Ukraine. It is obvious that diplomatic relations between Russia and Ukraine became frozen. For this reason Poland and Ukraine may have opportunity to ally with other countries from region to stand against russian imperialism.

Article is devoted to the analysis of relations between Russia and the Polish in the 90ies of the 20th century. The author comes to the conclusion that it was not an easy time for formation of the relations between the countries on the foundation of the principles of partnership and democratic. Considering different geostrategic interests of both countries and the heavy historical heritage it’s hard to talk about harmony.

Polish and Spanish way of democratisations seems to be similar; however, nowadays Spanish government has to face up to the economic crisis. The main idea of the article is to compare political systems, especially how the local government invests money in so-called tourist attractions. As well as being useless, many of those objects are too expensive to be maintained. It is worth mentioning that some Polish local governments try to implement Spanish ideas (so-called “Bilbao effect”) to their environment, which is not only risky, but also unsuccessful.

The issue of tobacco planting and cultivation is part of the tobacco industry. The article presents the diseases of the tobacco plant in 50s of the twentieth century. One of the greatest problems related to the execution of cultivation requirements is the issue of plant protection against various diseases. The battle against the diseases of the tobacco plant was carried out in two fundamental ways. The first one included countless research initiatives, due to which it was possible to introduce new, resistant varieties of tobacco, whereas the second one focused on agrotechnical methods of combating diseases, and was based mainly on preventive measures.

Since gaining independence, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan gradually opened their markets to foreign investors. Before Poland’s accession to the European Union, the activities of Polish investors in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan were based on bilateral treaties concluded by Poland with those countries. Later, except Turkmenistan, they were governed by the partnership and cooperation agreements between the European Communities and their Member States. Despite the ample investment opportunities and favourable conditions for access to the market, the activity of Polish companies in these markets has not produced a significant effect. Poland invested with more considerable success on the markets in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. It made investment attempts in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, leaving out Turkmenistan. The reason why Poland has a weak position in these markets is the distance between the partners and inability of Polish companies to effectively compete with large multinational companies which have been operating there for years. In the Kazakh market, good investment prospects are available for waste management, petrochemical, mining and road construction companies. In Kyrgyzstan, there are cooperation possibilities in the area of modern agricultural and processing technologies and establishment of fruit and vegetable processing enterprises. In Tajikistan, enterprises can invest in petroleum and natural gas extraction and exploitation, the fuel market, processing of precious metals and construction of conventional and hydroelectric power plants. In Turkmenistan, Polish companies can compete for road, railway and housing construction contracts, whereas in Uzbekistan they can invest in businesses covered by government tax reductions.

In times of increasing significance for national policies which support international economic cooperation, a special role is played by state trade support institutions (TSIs). This paper investigates whether such TSIs can be said to operate effectively, through an analysis of one essential element of the support provided to domestic entrepreneurs, namely export recommendations. The recommendations provided by Polish TSIs in respect of Turkey is employed as a case study. The theory of comparative advantage along with a neo-institutional perspective provide the conceptual framing for this analysis, in conjunction with both desk research, document analysis, and selected economic indices. Factors such as trade potential, comparative advantages, and the competitiveness of selected product groups exported by Polish firms to Turkey were also taken into account. The findings largely indicate that TSI export recommendations are adequate, and the majority of the recommended industries demonstrated considerable sales opportunities. Nevertheless, some discrepancies were also noted, which should be an issue for further investigation by both researchers and TSI analysts. Furthermore, the case study in this paper demonstrates that the choices within economic promotion policy – despite its partition between variously-oriented TSIs - were made on the basis of economic rationality.

The “right to truth” relates to the obligation of the state to provide information about the circumstances surrounding serious violations of human rights. Despite its increasing recognition, the concept raises questions as to its scope and implementation as well as its existence as a free-standing right. Similarly, “memory laws” relate to the way states deal with their past. However, there are certain „memory laws” that, while officially serving as a guarantee for accessing historical truth, lead to its deformation. As a result, an “alternative” truth, based on the will of the legislators, is being imposed. In this article, the authors elaborate on the general nature of the new legal phenomenon of the „right to truth”, as a tool of transitional justice, in particular in the context of both providing and abusing historical truth by the legislators, through the instrument of “memory laws”.

The paper explores the development of trade and investment relations between Poland and Armenia in conditions of EU membership and in the first year of Armenia presence within the Eurasian Economic Union. The aim of the study is to determine the changes in the size and structure of trade and foreign investment both partners, as well as the identification of key factors influencing the evolution of the Polish-Armenian cooperation in this regard. Armenia both economically and politically is the relatively minor significant Poland’s partner. In the analyzed period, one can observe an increase in bilateral trade, but the growth of value and dynamics of Polish exports was more stable than imports. Small foreign investment, both Polish in Armenia and Armenian in Poland, is the area with untapped potential of bilateral cooperation. Poland’s membership in the EU was one of the factors that positively influenced on the intensification of bilateral trade and investment relations. In turn, Armenia’s entry to Eurasian Economic Union leads to the prediction that it will be a determinant which would have negative impact on Polish-Armenian cooperation in the long-term. There are a serious risk that the new agreement between the EU and Armenia will not be able to significantly reduce the impact of that factor.