Question of racism in the thought of the ideologists of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (1929–1945)

The goal of the article is to show what role did the racist elements play in the ideology of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and whether they were present in that ideology at all. In the scientific discourse it remains controversial, whether OUN was in fact a fascist organization. Those discussions very often ignore the question of racism and its role in both Italian fascism and Ukrainian nationalism. It is also rarely analyzed what was the nature of those racist elements. In the article the historical-legal method has been used, as well as the comparative method. The problem has not been analyzed in the chronological manner, in order to secure the clarity of the article Applied structure of the paper allows showing the analyzed problem from the most general questions to more detailed ones. Works of the ideologists connected with OUN, such as Dmytro Dontsov, Volodymyr Martynec’, Dmytro Orlyk, Yuliyan Vassyjan and Yuriy Lypa have been analyzed, Author decided to underline most important parts of their thought presented in their books and pamphlets and compare their views on each issue. It allowed to indicate that racism is often a topic presented in the works of the ideologists of OUN, although there is no one version of that thought. Every author presents his own view on that topic and other approach. However, they seem to become gradually more interested in the problem of the race in late 30’s and 40’s. However Ukrainian racism is not a biological racism. It treats the race as the spiritual phenomenon with a biological substrate.

Cultural diplomacy has always been an important tool in Italian foreign policy. Culture represented a significant resource already in the liberal period and was also widely used by Fascism. During the inter-war period, cultural promotion abroad aimed at spreading the regime’s political-social organizational model. In the second post-war period, cultural resources played a fundamental role in Italian international relations. The democratic government carried out a transition from an essentially propagandistic action, which Fascism implemented especially in the second half of 1930’s, to a cultural diplomacy more attentive to the issues of dialogue and cooperation. The soft power of culture grew in importance. Lacking effective diplomatic tools of a political and economic nature, the new ruling class promoted the nation’s cultural tradition. Although with means and personnel widely used already during the Fascist period, democratic Italy adopted an innovative cultural diplomacy with regard to premises and goals. This policy was apparently low-key and devoid of political themes, but in reality it was aimed at acquiring, in the long run, the friendship and the sympathy of the elites of other countries, so as to bolster political and economic relations. In the framework of a broader course of action, aimed at supporting multilateral diplomacy, the new leaders of post-Fascist Italy also promoted an international cultural cooperation which reversed the previous power politics and the unilateral assertion of Italian culture, but was still careful to defend the nation’s interests. This cooperative dimension was realized above all with the participation in the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).

Characteristics of an authoritarian unit (Erich Fromm), with authoritarian personality (Theodor Adorno), with hard personality (Hans Eysenck) and dogmatic (Milton Romeach) and common features for these theoretical constructs

This article addresses the subject of Erich Fromm, Theodor Adorno, Hans Eysenck and Milton Rokeache theory characterizing personality particularly susceptible to the influence of authoritarianism, personality that combat democracy. In its first part there is the characteristics of these personalities, specifically authoritarian units (Erich Fromm), with authoritarian personality, hard personality (Hans Eysenck) and dogmatic (Milton Rozeach). The second part of this article is trying to find common features for these theoretical constructs. Mostly, however, it is a criticism of erroneous (in my opinion) thinking when creating these theories. I noticed that the creators of the majority of them not only describe personality types particularly susceptible to the influence of authoritarianism, but above all they condemn them. In practice, this comes down to attacking the extreme right. However, attention should be paid to several important issues that negate this attitude. With authoritarianism, only the right can be identified. The division of the right/left is not very sharp. In turn, authoritarianism does not always mean a lack of humanitarianism, intolerance, and persecution. Most of the above theoretical constructs indicate, in my opinion, it is wrong that the political features of a person acquire under the influence of the environment, the environment. However, they are not somehow inherited, genetically conditioned. In addition, I think that only a certain, smaller part of society has specific political views. And only among them there is a group of people with authoritarian tendencies. This part of a society that has unspecified political views can be a business – related political option, even authoritarian, if this option provides its benefits. The assumption that the political actions of society result from the internal features of individuals is another point with which it is difficult to (me) agree. In fact, the effectiveness of the ruling team decides.

The Second Italo-Ethiopian War in Aleksander Janta-Połczyński’s Reportages

The article is dedicated to a series of war reports from Ethiopia published between 1935 and 1936 in one of the most important Polish newspapers, Gazeta Polska. Although the author was one of the most prolific and respected Polish reporters, his text was never published in book form for various reasons. However, it deserves to be remembered, not least because it stands out from other Polish reports of this war. The author had the opportunity to participate in the events of both sides of the conflict, which enriched his perception of the reality described and led to the evolution of his opinions from objectivity to clear pro-Italian sympathies.