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UWAGA!

Pracujemy nad nową stroną internetową czasopism Wydawnictwa Adam Marszałek. Jej planowany termin uruchomienia to 1 maja 2025 roku, jednak z przyczyn technicznych nastąpi opóźnienie – nowa strona zostanie uruchomiona najpóźniej do 16 czerwca 2025 roku.

Ze względu na niedziałające zakładki w polskiej wersji obecnej strony czasopism prosimy kierować się na wersję angielską https://czasopisma.marszalek.com.pl/en/. Do końca bieżącego tygodnia będą tam umieszczone polskie wymogi i informacje na zmianę z angielskimi.

Przepraszamy za wszelkie niedogodności związane z obecną wersją strony.

ATTENTION!

We are working on a new website for Adam Marszałek Publishing House magazines. Its planned launch date is May 1, 2025, but due to technical reasons, the launch has been postponed — the new website will go live no later than June 16, 2025.

Due to the broken tabs in the Polish version of the current magazine website, please refer to the English version https://czasopisma.marszalek.com.pl/en/. By the end of this week, Polish requirements and information will be placed there alternating with English ones.

We apologize for any inconvenience caused by the current version of the website.


Punktacja czasopism naukowych Wydawnictwa Adam Marszałek według wykazu czasopism naukowych i recenzowanych materiałów z konferencji międzynarodowych, ogłoszonego przez Ministra Edukacji i Nauki 17 lipca 2023 r.

Scoring of scientific journals of Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek according to the list of scientific journals and reviewed materials from international conferences, announced by the Minister of Education and Science on July 17, 2023.


  • Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne – 100 pts
  • Edukacja Międzykulturowa – 100 pts
  • Historia Slavorum Occidentis – 100 pts
  • Polish Political Science Yearbook – 100 pts
  • Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego – 100 pts
  • The New Educational Review – 100 pts
  • Art of the Orient – 70 pts
  • Italica Wratislaviensia – 70 pts
  • Nowa Polityka Wschodnia – 70 pts
  • Polish Biographical Studies – 70 pts
  • Azja-Pacyfik - 40 pts
  • Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie – 40 pts
  • Kultura i Edukacja – 40 pts
  • Reality of Politics - 40 pts
  • Studia Orientalne – 40 pts
  • Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej – 40 pts
  • Annales Collegii Nobilium Opolienses – 20 pts
  • Cywilizacja i Polityka – 20 pts
  • Defence Science Review - 20 pts
  • Pomiędzy. Polsko-Ukraińskie Studia Interdyscyplinarne – 20 pts
  • African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus Political and Legal Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. Czasy Nowożytne i Współczesne - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. De Musica - 0 pts
  • Viae Educationis. Studies of Education and Didactics - 0 pts

Czasopisma

Nowe czasopisma

Czasopisma współwydawane

Wcześniej wydawane

Coloquia Communia

Coloquia Communia

Paedagogia Christiana

Paedagogia Christiana

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

Czasopisma Marszalek.com.pl

From a Conflict to Normalization? The Politics and Government of Vladimír Mečiar and Mikulas Dzurinda in Slovakia Towards the Republic of Hungary in 1993–2002

  • Author: Krzysztof Żarna
  • Year of publication: 2011
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 164-178
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2011.30.10
  • PDF: apsp/30/apsp3010.pdf

When analyzing the main problems in the bilateral Slovak-Hungarian relations in 1993–2002 it can be concluded that there were many barriers to an agreement in that period of time. Centuries-long Slovak dependence on Hungary increased the nationalistic tendencies among politicians and the Slovak society. Other factors that affected the mutual antipathy were provisions of the Treaty of Trianon, Benes Decrees, situation of Hungarian minority in Slovakia, the dispute over the dam on the Danube and the position of nationalist groups. The worst situation was during the rule of Vladimír Mečiar (1993–1998). This government’s actions met with a response from the Hungarian government, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of Europe. The consequence of this policy was the fact that Slovakia was not invited to the summit in Luxembourg (1997) to start negotiations with the EU. Similar situation happened in the context of the entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO): while the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary were invited to become member in Madrid in 1997, Slovakia remained as an outsider. Mečiar’s regime was also a period of crisis within the Visegrad Group which could have claimed to solve many bilateral issues. It would seem that after the elections in 1998 and the regime change in Slovakia it could come to the normalization of mutual relations. An important prerequisite for doing so was a coalition government, which included the Slovak Hungarians or with the establishment of a mixed commission to solve the most urgent problems. Both countries were forced to work together to achieve the priority in foreign policy, which was to enter the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. For this purpose, the cooperation within the Visegrad Group was renewed. The question is whether it was this factor that caused the normalization of relations? It seems not. Both countries achieved their primary goal, and this cooperation was necessary. It does not change the fact that also during the Dzurinda government, there have been many frictions no longer directly associated with the activities of the government in Bratislava, but rather with the burden of the past. Another aspect was Viktor Orban’s former government in Hungary and the position of the extreme nationalist political parties.

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