The collective identity of immigrants from the Middle East in EU countries

Identity is one of the forms of belonging to specific cultural groups. By that, the individual becomes a member of the larger community. It means that individuals can integrate with each other, act as each other’s specific features. And what is more important to them, all the standards they adopt are the same. In the circumstances, whereas many social groups are forced to leave their countries, their respective objectives are different. Some are leaving for work, some avoiding wars or persecution, and others want to improve their living conditions. This forces us to undertake in-depth analyses of the situation, because the members of other countries are not always favourably disposed to accept foreigners. In the case of people from the Middle East concerns are stronger; the more Europe is struggling with the wave of terrorism. This raises additional concerns. These are strong enough, that it erases the advantages of the influx of foreign labour for an ageing community. Of course Europe undertakes appropriate actions to help the immigrant population. None the less fears are strong enough to block the appreciation of the advantages of this potential.

Egyptian-Syrian relations after 2011

Egypt and Syria have been important actors in the Middle East, a region of considerable geostrategic importance. This article analyses relations between the two countries after 2011 in the context of events related to the so-called Arab Spring. The first part of the study describes the common path Egypt and Syria took over the past millennia, which explains the significance of their mutual relations. In the section that follows, the author shows the destructive impact of processes related to the Arab Spring on relations between these countries, most notably the eruption of the Syrian conflict and the takeover of power in Egypt by the Muslim Brotherhood. Next, the article describes the impact of the fall of Islamists in Egypt in 2013. Although since then relations between the two countries have ceased to be hostile, efforts to repair them remain slow. The author argues that the reasons for this delay could be attributed to the pressures exercised by external actors.

Constitutional and political role of the royal family in Arab monarchies – Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Morocco

The article aims to explain the constitutional and political role of the royal family in three Arab monarchies: Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Morocco. The introduction discusses the typology of monarchy, including the division into individual monarchies with the marginal role of the royal family and monarchies where the royal family holds a significant position. Through the use of a comparative method, the article analyses the constitutional position of the royal family according to the normative acts of the studied states. The next part of the article attempts to answer the following questions: what place does the royal family occupy in the political system of their country? do its members have individual competences or share them with other state authorities? The importance of factors such as religion and family history will be emphasized. In addition, the author will indicate areas of social and political life that may be influenced by members of the royal family.

Relations Chechen-Saudi (august 1997–february 2007)

In the article, the author presented the most important events relations of Chechen-Saudian from the middle of 1999 to February 2007. The author showed how politics looked like for example during presidency of Aslan Maskhadov’s, Ahmat Kadyrov’s.

Markets, countries and politics. Selected political and economic problems of the Middle East in the modern world

Control and access to resources and trade routes have always conditioned and determined the position of a given country on the world stage and its wealth. For many centuries, the Middle East region has been one of the most important regions in the world, both due to its geographical location, as a link between East and West, and natural resources available to individual countries. Despite the enormous diversity of Middle Eastern countries and the danger of over-generalization, it is worth looking at the whole area, which in the future may become an important center in the global economy and an important point of world politics.

Saudi Arabia: Stories of Selected Epidemics and Royal Prerogative in the Fight against Coronavirus

In the text, the author presents shows a short history of epidemics that took place in Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and also discusses political decisions and a possible fight with epidemic of coronavirus. After analyzing the most important sources and information on the topic of coronavirus, the author proposes a thesis that Saudi Arabia is ready for an epidemic of coronavirus diseases.

Sultanate of Oman under the Rule of Haitham bin Tariq Al Said

Sultan Kabus will go down in the history of Oman as a country modernizer, an effective negotiator on the international stage and a ruler with the longest political seniority in the region. His 50-year rule raised questions about a worthy successor as a head of state. The purpose of the article is to present the succession procedure in the Sultanate of Oman and the profile of the new Sultan, Haitham bin Tariq Al Said. In addition, the author indicate, the challenges facing the new sultan in internal and foreign policy. The link between them is the long-term development strategy of Oman Vision 2040 adopted by the Sultanate of Oman.

From Economic to Geopolitical Policy: The Middle East on the Silk Road

The article aims to present and evaluate the activities and politics of the People’s Republic of China in the Middle East, and to define its objectives through the Silk Project. It will provide an overview of the most important changes in the Chinese foreign and political policy, and the importance of the Middle East, particularly the Silk Road to China, and it will try to answer the following questions: How important is the Middle East for the Silk Road? Will the Chinese project bring stability to the region in light of the fierce competition between the great powers? The article adopted the hypothesis that China’s involvement in the Middle East will deepen the conflict between the countries of the region among themselves, and thus become a fertile ground for international conflicts to the international conflict.

The Federal State of Iraq as a Solution to the Ethnic and Denominational Problems on the Example of Kurdistan

Federalism is one of many political solutions to the situation in the Iraqi state. The reason is that it was a political solution most frequently used in the world. It was applied mainly in multicultural countries. The complex political and administrative situation compels to look for a political compromise that will find justification and legal basis in the constitution of a given country. The federal system appears to be the compromise. Meanwhile, the Russian model can be used as an example for Iraqi Kurdistan, particularly in the case of Dagestan. In the early twentieth century, the newly established Iraqi state incorporated a part of the Kurdish region, while at the same time there were plans to create the Kurdish state. The difficulties would not let up. Problems related to nationality were becoming more acute. The second phase of the Iraqi problem arose after the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s regime. A diversified country was beginning to face a problem not only on national, but also religious grounds. The Russian model, predominantly exemplified by Dagestan, could prove successful in Iraq. Both ethnic and religious similarities speak for it.

Iran’s Nuclear Potential and Its Political Implications for the Middle-East

Among many threats of the contemporary world, nuclear weapons should certainly be mentioned. While governments are aware of the disastrous consequences of their use, efforts are still being made to develop nuclear potential. The US withdrawal from the nuclear agreement has prompted Iran to step up its research and development efforts and increase its stockpile of nuclear fuel. To consider possible political consequences of Iran’s expansion of nuclear arsenal, the most significant developments in Iranian history relating to nuclear weapons have been followed. The article focuses solely on the most significant possible political consequences. Conclusion: two extreme scenarios seem most likely: nuclear weapons would provide stability and peace in the region and provide a counterbalance to the US and the negotiating field. A psychological and rational mechanism of the MAD concept would work, or on the contrary, the US concerns about Iran’s dominance in the region and pressure on others to buy weapons would realize.

The Obesity Phenomenon in Saudi Arabia and the Monarch’s Prerogative of King Salman. Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow

The paper presents obesity noticeable in Saudi Arabia. The historical and present condition is indicated, as well as the forecast for the following years. It shows what political instruments the Saudi king currently has in the fight against this phenomenon and what were the political movements of previous kings in this matter.

Już podczas nawiązania entente cordial między Wielką Brytanią a Francją w 1904 r. oraz przyłączeniu do niej Rosji w 1907 r. sprawy bliskowschodnie (m.in. Maroko, Egipt, Iran, Afganistan) legły u podstaw tego sojuszu. Toteż kiedy wybucha I wojna światowa, trzy wymienione mocarstwa uznały się za powołane do ukształtowania przyszłości Bliskiego Wschodu zgodnie z własnymi interesami (porozumienie Sykes–Picot, korespondencja Hussein–MacMahon, deklaracja Balfoura i inne). W wyniku wojny (przegrana państw centralnych, wycofanie Rosji bolszewickiej z wojny) Wielka Brytania i Francja stały się jedynymi dominującymi siłami w tym regionie świata. Pierwsza otrzymała mandat Ligi Narodów nad Palestyną (wraz z wydzieloną jej częścią – Transjordanią) i Irakiem. Francja zaś otrzymała mandat nad Syrią i Libanem. Wielka Brytania zachowała ponadto swoją dominację nad Egiptem i Somalią Brytyjską. Francja z kolei – nad Algierią, Marokiem, Tunezją, Somalią Francuską. W tych nowo powstałych krajach arabskich państwo i administrację odwzorowywano na podobieństwo metropolii, co było w pewnych aspektach korzystne, w innych – dysfunkcjonalne i konfliktogenne. Ujawnia się to dobitnie w czasach niepodległości i zimnej wojny, tj. po II wojnie światowej.