- Author:
Kamila Rezmer-Płotka
- Institution:
Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
195-207
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.75.11
- PDF:
apsp/75/apsp7511.pdf
The freedom of the press is one of the basic guarantees of a democratic state and, at the same time, a guarantee of political rights. After 2008, when the great financial crisis occurred, the Member States of the European Union began to significantly limit the rights and freedoms of citizens, including freedom of the press. The introduced restrictions are characteristic of a neo-militant democracy. However, they sometimes become a tool in the hands of antidemocrats. The aim of the article is to check how and why over the years, between successive crises, i.e., financial crisis, the so-called refugee crisis, the coronavirus pandemic, freedom of the press was restricted in Ireland and Great Britain. These are the countries in which initially the political and social effects of the economic crisis were not felt, but later rapid regression was observed. By using content analysis based on reports from the Reporters without Borders and Freedom House organizations, the study uncovers how and why the restrictions of freedom of the press changed. It locates the political structures of Ireland and Great Britain between the ideal types of neo- and quasi-militant democracy, depending on the goal of the restrictions. The research hypothesis is as follows: The restriction of freedom of the press in Ireland and the United Kingdom after 2008 shows that states are using the media system to pursue their particular interests by introducing solutions characteristic of quasi-militant democracies.
- Author:
Joanna Augustyniak
- Institution:
Koszalin University of Technology
- Year of publication:
2013
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
142-152
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/tner.13.31.1.12
- PDF:
tner/201301/tner3112.pdf
The decision about emigration for economic reasons, including emigration to Ireland, after Poland joining the European Union, has been the object of research interests of a number of fields of knowledge. Sometimes, a tempting vision of improving Polish people’s own economic status makes them decide to leave the homeland without any knowledge about the culture of the adopted society. The article is focused on the analysis of the language competence of Polish grammar school students in Ireland. There are presented weaknesses and strategies for surviving in the new environment without language skills and its influence on adaptation to school and life in Ireland. The article is supported by the research conducted in Irish grammar schools and Polish weekend schools in Ireland (2010–2011).
- Author:
Aldona Domańska
- E-mail:
adomanska@wpia.uni.lodz.pl
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Łódzki
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9343-6932
- Year of publication:
2024
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
195-210
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2024.05.14
- PDF:
ppk/81/ppk8114.pdf
Ireland’s March 2024 Constitutional Referendums. Has Ireland Taken a Step Back?
In Ireland, the institution of referendum is an important means of shaping the country’s political reality. As a result, the sovereign expresses his opinion on the most important issues, including changes to the constitution. Since the act was passed in 1937, citizens have voted on 40 amendments, 11 of which have been rejected. The last time this happened was on March 8, 2024. The 39 Amendment to the Constitution proposed to change the content of art. 41 so that it takes into account a broader concept of family. The purpose of amending Amendment No. 40 was expanding the concept of family care. The analysis presented in the text aims to present the circumstances that led to the rejection of the government’s proposal to change the constitution in the referendum. The research used primarily the legal and dogmatic method, as well as the decision-making and behavioral methods.