This paper aims to explain that the stable situation of Belarus is important for Western Europe and why any fluctuations may present a challenge for European integrity and stability. Belarus, since the beginning of its independence in 1991 seems to show a great willingness to cooperate closely with Russia, claiming Western Europe and NATO as a potential enemy. In reality, the Belarusian position is much more complicated and ambiguous. Despite it’s close military cooperation with Russia, different tensions between Minsk and Moscow regularly happen and Belarusian authorities are still looking for new foreign partners and new energy suppliers (what was clearly visible in the last months of 2016 and the first period of 2017). Russia, old Belarusian partner, may actually even pose a threat for Belarus, so the country’s authorities have a hard challenge to maintain its stability. Western countries may be open for a new chapter of cooperation with Minsk but any rapid changes in Belarusian foreign preferences may result in unpredictable results and Moscow reaction that – in turn – would be very challenging for the whole European stability and security. 

The aim of the article is to present the results of the research conducted by author in Poland and Russia last years, as well as to analyse the ways for improvement the situation in civil society in these countries. The author postulates the need of new understanding of the role of non–governmental organizations in times of crises, which happened in Europe and in the world in recent years (the world financial crisis, migration crisis, political crises in Poland and Russia, the crisis of European integration, etc.). Presented in this article research demonstrates, that mass–media, governments and ordinary people in Poland and Russia see the role of non–governmental organisations primarily in the social problems solving. Moreover, different other studies analysed in the article demonstrate the weakness of non–governmental sector and civil society in these countries. Author concludes that non–governmental organizations have to work in coalitions, because this way they can receive support from other institutions in the network and promote their activities on a larger scale. Networking, federations and coalitions of non–governmental organizations are the significant force in society. It is very important especially in a context of social development of Poland and Russia and overcoming the consequences of crises. 

Poland is the biggest FDI recipient of the EU countries located in Central Europe. The statistics are showing also more and more investment high activity of Polish companies on the foreign markets. Towards the strong competition and high costs of the workforce in EU countries, Polish companies as the location of their investments often choose markets outside the EU, including the Russian market. The article presents the analysis of the investment cooperation between Poland and the Russian Federation and shows the essential barriers negatively influencing in the shape of these relations. He is pointing in addition also the high importance of the role of the economic diplomacy in the development of cooperation investment between both countries.

Article “Russia and China in the Central Asia. Cooperation or competition” is dedicated to the important problem of the Russia and China foreign policy in Central Asia. In the article the geopolitical situation of Central Asia at the present stage is analyzed. Special attention on the author is paid to interaction of Russia and China with the region’s countries. Author describes general trends of Russia and China policy. It contains the analysis of basic coincidence of strategic interest of Russia and China and basic imaginations of Central Asia among the Russian and Chinese political elite. Special attention on the author is paid to historical process who create the basic interest and imaginations. Author esteemed historical features of Russia–China relations in the region ant try to predict the future relationship between Russia and China in the Central Asia.

This article refers to the contemporary situation in the Russian economy and in the Russian capital economy. Economy in Russia is based on the extraction of raw materials. However, in 2010 economic forecasts for the country were optimistic. In this period economic development was strong and the country became a member of the BRICS group. One of the issues of the Russian Federation economy was the backing of the old system. Most investments were focused on the energy sector when in the public sector the changes were smaller. To increase revenues and funds big reforms are necessary and new investments. One possibility to improve the economic situation is to focus on greater extraction of raw materials. Another option is to resign from a monocultural economy. The situation in Moscow is better than the general economic situation in the Russian Federation. GDP increased regularly. In 2008 Russia took 15th place in the ranking of the hundred largest cities GDP. Th e Moscow economy is based especially on the trade of energy resources. Moreover, profi t is gained from business activities and industry. The level of unemployment in Moscow is the lowest in comparison to all regions. In the capital city it fluctuates between 0,5% and 1%. A major problem in the capital city is the constant immigration from other part of the Federation and other foreign countries. In majority, people who come to Moscow are the job seekers. Also the signifi cant problem is ubiquitous corruption.

Economic relations between Russia and Eastern Europe are reasonably stable, but they are characterized by lack of scale. Therefore, sanctions/contrsanctions have not a systemic effect on bilateral relations, although they have on individual companies. Prospects for Russia’s economic relations with the Eastern European countries are evaluated in terms of their embeddedness in the overall relations between Russia and the West. It follows that is not necessary to expect a quick lifting of sanctions, despite the obvious decline over time the economic damage they cause to all parties involved. Possible in the long term mutual cancellation of sanctions regimes will likely be expressed in increase of the positive effects on normalization of trade and investment, but the magnitude of these effects will hardly be noticeable.

Energy security is a key component of national security. It’s really hard to formulate correct construction of the strategic culture, political strategy, without considering this crucial component. Thus, especially important factors that shape Polish security policy should be mentioned: diversification of energy links and resources, adaptation of country`s technical infrastructure to modern petrol market requirements, bilateral and multilateral agreements covering energy security problems. The Russian factor plays an important role in the Polish energy security policy. Bilateral relations within energy sector have repercussions on Polish energy security and the foreign policy. It also has an impact on the Poland`s internal politics, thus should be considered as crucial for Polish national interest.

The publication presents the point of view on economic relations with one Russian region bordering Poland–Kaliningrad Oblast. This is the point of view of the author, who has been dealing with the practical coordination of the co-operation for many years, and who has been currently dealing with this part of the international relations from the scientific.

The difficult situation in the Polish-Russian border regions is described by the presented data related to trade in the recent years. Other aspects of cross-border cooperation which affect the economic development of border regions are also presented. From the point of view of border regions, the current situation is not favourable. For many years there have been attempts to create conditions for the economically weaker border regions, being also the peripheries of the Eastern border of the European Union, to develop better. This aim was to be achieved by, among others, local border traffic, as well as the Interreg programs: Poland–Lithuania– Russia and the currently developed Poland–Russia. In the present political situation, the voice of the regions bordering with the Russian federation is not particularly taken into consideration. But, in the long term, considering the socioeconomic development of border regions and common problems resulting from them being neighbours across the border, it should be noticed.

Societies create cultural models in order to maintain their identity. They constitute a reflection of values and symbols to which they are the most attached. In Russia, there has been a dispute about cultural identity for a long time. During Vladimir Putin’s presidency, when the liberal idea was devalued, a serious debate about the future of Russia was commenced. In contrast to Russia, Poland has always emphasized its European roots and identity of its culture with the Western culture. Comparative studies of the two cultures lead to the conclusion that significant differences are views of: man, freedom and the state. The definition of man in a given culture is associated with the worldview. In Russian culture it has been formulated on the basis of monastic practice and experience of Church Fathers. Hesychasm and deification – are the basis of the Orthodox anthropology. In the contemporary Russian culture one can observe the revival of hesychasm, which stems from the life practice. Latin anthropology was formed under the influence of Saint Augustine’s Confessions. According to Augustine, man is dust and only his „self ”, the person, is endowed with „existence, consciousness and will”. Augustine was the first Latin theologian, who pointed out the historical subjectivity of an individual. Therefore, the European thought identified man with historical ones: the state, nation and economics. The issue of a person’s freedom is the basic issue of Western anthropology. Man perceived himself as an autonomous entity that exists thanks to the autonomous intellect and respects the rights of others adhering to the same principles. Freedom in Orthodox culture is understood as inner freedom from external determinants Saint Augustine formulated a number of problems which are the basis of the Western understanding of the state. The specificity of understanding Augustine’s state is associated with the belief that people are sinful and it has an impact on the state system. Russian state doctrine is connected with Byzantine heritage. The idea of Moscow the Third Rome is a continuation of Byzantine diarchy. The contemporary Russian state thought says that liberal democracy and internationalism are unfamiliar to Russian culture. It finds it necessary to return to the ideocratic country and calls for recovering from the Russian disease of self-consciousness – “occidentalistic rootlessness”.

Relations between Russia and Central European countries at the background of domestic transformations and global crisis have passed several stages of development: their almost complete breakdown in the mid 1990-ies, had improved during the 2000-ies, but after the crisis in Ukraine has returned back towards the lowest point of the last 25 years. If in 1990-ies the state of relations had been largely determined by the countries themselves, now, in the absence of subjective reasons for their decline, they are forced to obey the new commitments dictated from Brussels. Against this background, the bilateral relations continue to influence the circumstances that can be associated rather with the formation of the foundations of the new policy and its ideological basis. The current situation, and mainly the crisis in Ukraine, as the country situated between us, had put a real call to our relationship. The ability to give an adequate answer to it would prove the maturity of our relations.

This article discusses the realization of the conception of the New Silk Road in the countries of East-Central Europe. Author in the introduction of the article described the idea of The New Silk Road and its six corridors. Then, it was depicted format “16+1” and its meaning for the realization of the Chinese conception in first part of the article. Moreover, it became underlined the meaning economic buildings „the Belt and Road” for the countries of Central-East-Europe. Author in second part represented Poland in the format „16+1” and her relation to the New Silk Road.

The essence of Russia’s relations with Belarus after the end of the 20th century boils down to a specific kind of balance. Thanks to its presence in the institutional forms of close cooperation such as the CSTO, the Union State or the Eurasian Economic Union Minsk enjoys the openness of Russian market and very low prices of imported resources (especially crude oil and gas). What Moscow receives in return can be classified as a sort of intangible goods: greater prestige and a „friendly hegemonic” position in international relations. The balance of the game falls in favor of Lukashenko who takes advantage of his country’s location between the Russian Federation and the EU: Moscow is permanently blackmailed with the possibility of Minsk’s hypothetical turn toward the Western partners.

Geo-economics is an approach that, in general, looks at the links between politics and economy in the international arena. This article is an analyses overview of the presence of geo-economics strategy in the Polish-Russian relations. The author focuses particularly on the problems of investment, trade and energy.

Relations between Russia and the European Union are particularly important in the sphere of the production, transmission and use of energy resources as it is in this field where Russia possesses its key strategic assets, and the European Union heavily relies on supplies of oil and natural gas from this country. Russia wants to be perceived as a superpower by the European Union countries and believes that having such a status will contribute to its further progress. In order to accomplish this goal it should take advantage of its superior position in the field of power industry. In the past, both in the times of czarism and the Soviet Union, Imperial Russia built its status as a world power primarily by using its military potential to expand its territory. We compare this tradition to Russia’s present attitude, the latter is undoubtedly less dangerous and it may become the basis for mutually advantageous cooperation.

Both in the Polish and Russian language the term ‘nation’ is understood in a slightly different way than the English word ‘nation’. It is understood not only in cultural but also political terms, and in numerous contexts it is used to denote ‘the people’ or an ‘ethnic nation/ethnos’. Thus, when we use words ‘nation, nationality, narodnost’, sometimes only the context makes it possible to decide whether we mean the nation, nation or ethnos. However, this lack of clear distinction in the colloquial discourse should not make one conclude that there are not fully shaped nations in Poland and Russia. It is just that the colloquial discourse fails to notice these vague distinctions. In the scientific discourse in both countries, these di! erentiations have been precisely defined and used for a long time.

An essential element of international security policy shaping are documents of strategic or doctrinal character. They define the main assumptions of state security politics in the context of changes of global character. Undoubtedly this process is influenced by strategic concepts of two world powers: the USA and Russian Federation, both in the cold war past as well as now – main agents and creators of world security policy. this article will analyze the National Security Strategy of the USA, the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation, the National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation and the War Doctrine of the Russian Federation.

This article is devoted to the analysis of integration and disintegration processes that occurred between Belarus and Russia after the signing the 1996 Treaty establishing the Community of the two countries. Particular attention is paid to the state of relations in 2014-2015 – after the beginning of the military conflict in Ukraine and the economic crisis in Belarus and Russia. The author points to several trends on three levels of cooperation. Politically, the countries disintegrate, as they become aware of the difference between their interests in bilateral relations and on the international arena. Economic cooperation remains at a high level, but deep integration is impossible, as the economic crisis forced Belarus to seek opportunities for economic development elsewhere. Military cooperation, in turn, reaches the limit of integration that Minsk is willing to accept: its manifestation was a refusal of Belarus to place a Russian military base on its territory. Moreover, Belarus has taken several steps to reduce its military dependence on Russia. Thus, the dynamics of the Belarusian-Russian relations allows to say that in the near future the country will continue formal integration, while in practice that means maintaining the “status quo” or even further disintegration.

The purpose of this article is to verify the correctness, actuality and purposefulness of the ‘Novorossia’ concept in relation to Ukraine. The author presents ethnical, historical and electoral processes in Ukraine in the context of development of the idea and concept of Novorossia, he rebuts the concept of Novorossia as both ethnically and electorally inadequate to meet political realities in Ukraine.

The article talks abuth the political echoes of the 1916 revolt in Kyrgyzstan and their influence on relations with Russia up to present times.

The purpose of this article is to verify the correctness, actuality and purposefulness of the ‘Novorossia’ concept in relation to Ukraine. The author presents ethnical, historical and electoral processes in Ukraine in the context of development of the idea and concept of Novorossia, he rebuts the concept of Novorossia as both ethnically and electorally inadequate to meet political realities in Ukraine.