The article shortly presents Poland’s relations with France from the ending of World War II up to the year 1970, the death of general Charles de Gaulle. The ending of war actions brought major changes to the Polish-French relations. Poland was able to make alliances and international connections under strict surveillance of USRR. Of course it had an impact on Poland’s relations with France, which depended on the French-Soviet relationships. International politics have major influence on current relations between Warsaw and Paris. At this moment Polish-French relations have worsen. Unless both countries work towards agreement, Poland’s relationship with France will not get better. Only thing that is left, is to have hope that both Paris and Warsaw will come to a conclusion that rapprochement may bring mutual benefits.

After 1989, Poland’s foreign policy initially prioritized aiming for membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union and, upon achieving this goal, the focus shifted to strengthening the bonds with these organizations. This very image was not disturbed even by a short period of time (2005–2007), during which a coalition of the Euroskeptics and the extreme Right ruled the country. However, some symptoms were noticeable back then, regarding a certain change in the manner of thinking about the role of the foreign policy within the framework of state policies or about the model of the unification of Europe. After 8 more years of Poland’s existence within the main trend of European integration processes, a rapid shift to the right occurred on the domestic political scene and in consequence the Law and Justice party achieved full and selfcontained authority. Since that very moment, we have been observing a Warsaw-Brussels conflict that seems to be escalating with almost every passing day. What initiated the conflict? What matters does it concern? What is the possible course of events? In this article, we shall attempt at providing an answer to these, as well as other questions.

...his voice was listened to in Europe – foreign policy of Austria-Hungary at the time of minister Agenor Gołuchowski the younger in the light of the Galicia press

The article is dedicated to the foreign policy pursued on behalf of Austria-Hungary by Agenor Gołuchowski the younger, minister of foreign affairs in 1895–1906, and the reactions it triggered off in selected Galicia newspapers.

...jeho hlasu bylo v Evropě nasloucháno – zahraniční politika Rakouska-Uherska v době působení ministra Agenora Gołuchowského mladšího ve světle haličského tisku

Stosunki amerykańsko-chińskie w pierwszym roku prezydentury Donalda Trumpa były okresem gwałtownego przewartościowania polityki Waszyngtonu wobec Pekinu. Protekcjonistyczne hasło „America First” kontrastowało wyraźnie z próbą narzucania przez Chińską Republikę Ludową globalnej narracji otwartości gospodarczej, a wycofywanie się Stanów Zjednoczonych z porozumień wielostronnych zaczęły dyskontować władze Chin, wysuwając własne projekty multilateralne. W porównaniu z prezydenturą Baracka Obamy, postulującego „zwrot ku Azji” (pivot to Asia), pierwszych dwanaście miesięcy rządów jego następcy w Białym Domu charakteryzowała wyraźna zmiana priorytetów w polityce wobec Chin w oparciu o konfrontacyjną retorykę i rosnącą asertywność w kwestiach gospodarczych.

International identity consists mainly of geographical, demographic, historical, political, military, economic, ideological, cultural and psychological factors. After the collapse of the USSR, Russia returned to tradition, not only in the sphere of political, social and philosophical ideas and ideologies, but also in the sphere of culture and religion. In the 1990s, the geopolitics revived. It became the basis for the development of the concept of foreign policy, the National Security Strategy and the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation. The aim of the research is to analyze geopolitical perspectives in the identity of the Russian Federation and its impact on foreign policy concepts and sources of development of geopolitical concepts in Russia. The post-Soviet area is important for the security of the Russian Federation. Russia perceives armed conflicts in this area as an element of political ‘game’ in its strategic area.

Selected Factors Shaping Turkish Foreign Policy

The analysis of determinants shaping the foreign policy of modern states requires taking into account a whole range of internal and external factors, both of an objective and subjective nature. The use of the typology of foreign policy determinants should be supplemented with the characteristics of factors specific to a given country, most often included in the social or cultural sphere. The lack of this type of supplement not only impairs the analysis but also makes it impossible to obtain a full picture of the phenomena and processes studied. One of the countries in which the analysis of foreign policy conditions requires consideration of a whole range of additional factors is the Republic of Turkey. The Kemalist ideology, Turkish Islam and Kurdish separatism described in this article, have a significant impact on the shape of contemporary Turkish foreign policy, thus should be thoroughly studied by all attempting to understand Turkish foreign policy.

Wzrost znaczenia Indonezji w regionie Azji i Pacyfiku jest zauważalny przynajmniej od 2004 r. Promowanie demokracji przez Indonezję uznaje się za jedną z ważniejszych ról, jakie ona odgrywa, zaś „demokratyczny zwrot” w polityce zagranicznej tego państwa jest szeroko analizowany. Celem tego artykułu jest zwrócenie uwagi na kolejny aspekt związany z tymi badaniami – spójności wizerunku promotora demokracji z działaniami w polityce zagranicznej z perspektywy strategicznej narracji. Pytanie badawcze brzmi: czy wizerunek Indonezji jako promotora demokracji jest spójny? W artykule weryfikowana jest hipoteza stanowiącą, że Indonezja nie tworzy spójnego wizerunku państwa promującego demokrację, choć z pewnymi wyjątkami.

Russia’s Foreign Policy. Determinants, Interests, and Measures

The paper addresses the conditions, objectives, and measures of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation. The first part of the paper presents - both in theoretical and practical terms - foreign policy’s determinants. In particular, it addresses their following types: internal objective, subjective internal, objective external, as well as subjective external ones. The second part of the paper uses the example of Russia to present interests and foreign policy goals constituting an extension of these interests. The author attempts to answer the question how to identify the interests, goals, and values of modern Russia. The final part of the paper presents - again both in theoretical and practical terms - the instruments for achieving the foreign policy objectives.

The article considers the history and development of the inauguration ceremonies of US presidents. Their role in legitimizing power and their influence on creating the image of the state is evaluated. The very specificity of the inauguration as a social phenomenon makes this ceremonial action a kind of illustration of the cultural condition, mores and tastes of society, national characteristics, becoming a symbolic characteristic of hierarchical differences. Its norms reflect not only ideology, but also the social psychology of society, without an adequate interpretation of which it is impossible to correctly understand the behavior of statesmen in specific situations related to their social status. State civil and military ceremonies, being, as a rule, striking events in the life of the state, have symbolic meaning. They establish a balance between their immediate participants and the highest environment, testify to the stability/instability within the ruling elite. Modern ceremonials of the inauguration of world presidents are politics, prestige, and the image of the government in power.

The concept of “diplomacy” combines the foreign policy activities of state leaders and supreme authorities. At various stages of the development of society the methods and means of diplomacy changed. In the Middle Ages the protocol is the rules of paperwork and archiving. Subsequently ceremonial issues began to be attributed to the diplomatic protocol. Currently the diplomatic protocol is a set of generally accepted norms, traditions and conventions that are observed in international communication. The purpose of the study is to analyze the evolution of the Soviet protocol as an instrument of the state’s foreign policy based on the analysis of regulatory documents. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the author considers the diplomatic legal culture as a component of the image of the state, in which ideology influenced all aspects of society, including the rules of communication between a Soviet citizen and foreign partners. It was revealed that the employees of the Protocol Department of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs (PCFA), and primarily its head D.T. Florinsky (repressed in 1934) and V.N. Barkov (repressed in 1941, rehabilitated in 1958), were able to “reconcile”, as evidenced by regulatory documents, the European diplomatic protocol with the norms of Soviet ideology. Through its work the Protocol Department tried to destroy the idea of the USSR as an “empire of evil”; it was part of the positive image of the USSR, like the Bolshoi Theater, Soviet sports and Russian literature. As an actor in world politics the Soviet Union could not but accept the main provisions of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Ignoring the international norms of the protocol is a denial of equality, sovereignty, territorial integrity of the state, and as a result, loss of reputation in the eyes of the world community.

The article presents Poland’s foreign policy towards Czechoslovakia during the crisis of 1938 against the background of Polish plans in Central Europe aimed at inhibiting the growth of influence of the Third Reich and the Soviet Union in this area.

The aim of this article is to present the main motives, assumptions and dimensions of the US foreign policy towards the People’s Republic of China during the Trump presidency. The essence and purposefulness of the slogans, threats and attacks used by Donald Trump. Checking useness of the slogans „America First” and „make America great again” in the 2016 election campaign and while in office; their implications for the most serious structural competitor in the international arena, which is already the People’s Republic of China on many levels. In the author’s opinion, the turn of successive US presidential offices towards the PRC and the Asia-Pacific region in recent years is dictated not only by economic factors, but also by a wide range of collision paths and serves to maintain the position of the US hegemon in the region in the face of the growing power of the PRC. When Trump took office in 2017, he used the Chinese threat as the cornerstone of foreign policy. To illustrate the nature of the involvement of the Trump against PRC the focus was on the dimensions of the analyzed issue: mainly diplomatic and mutual economic relations , especially blast of trade war and less military aspects. Article shows what measures were applied under the so-called the trade war between the US and the PRC and the evolution of the measures used. The continuity of US-China relations by successive presidents was also noted, and it was considered whether the relations are clearly doomed to confrontation. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the manifestations of the changes taking place in US foreign policy during the Trump presidency. The hypothesis of the work is that the American turn towards the PRC is inevitable, and it is dictated to a large extent not only by purely economic factors, but this turn serves to maintain the strong position of the US in the region in the face of the growing imperialist tendencies of Chinese power. Analysing the most important affairs allows to identify and understand the main principles of the United States’ actual foreign policy.

Imperialism in the foreign policy of Tsarist Russia and the USSR

The aim of this article is to take a synthetic look at Tsarist Russia (from the 17th century onwards) and the USSR through ideas and deeds which marked Russian political thinking and action and involved an intent to extend the influence to other countries or territories.

Foreign policy of the Republic of Poland. Considerations in the context of the March constitution and the constitution of 1997

The aim of the study is to analyze the constitutional solutions concerning the conduct of foreign policy by the Republic of Poland. The areas of consideration will include solutions that functioned under the rule of the March constitution, as well as solutions that were enshrined in the binding constitution of 1997. The analysis of the current solutions will also include issues related to European policy. The aim of the article is to present and compare the solutions contained in the March constitution and the constitution of 1997. The solutions functioning under each of the analyzed constitutions assume the primacy of one of the executive authorities in the field of conducting the state’s foreign policy. The analysis of individual solutions in this respect leads to the conclusion that the burden of conducting foreign policy by the president under the March constitution was transferred under the 1997 constitution to the Council of Ministers and the Prime Minister.

Artykuł jest poświęcony miejscu obszaru poradzieckiego w rosyjskiej polityce zagranicznej od rozpadu Związku Radzieckiego w 1991 do 2021 roku. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie znaczenia obszaru poradzieckiego w rosyjskiej polityce zagranicznej oraz celów i instrumentów tej polityki wobec obszaru poradzieckiego po rozpadzie ZSRR. W ciągu 30 lat po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego na obszarze poradzieckim miały miejsce procesy reintegracji i dezintegracji. Dochodziło do wielu konfliktów zbrojnych, stał się on także polem rywalizacji w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Federacja Rosyjska wykorzystuje wszelkie możliwe instrumenty oddziaływania, aby utrzymać kontrolę nad obszarem poradzieckim i nadal traktuje go jako wyłączną strefę wpływów Rosji i priorytetowy kierunek rosyjskiej polityki zagranicznej.

Intelligence as a tool of Chinese foreign policy – contribution to research

The article takes up the problem of Chinese intelligence as a tool of support foreign policy. In the first place, the theoretical concepts and assumptions concerning this domain of state policy have been systematized. A review of selected foreign policy definitions in Polish-language political literature was conducted in this respect. Next the authors discussed the specificity of foregin policy determinants, structures and instruments. The key determinants of China’s foreign policy of political, military, geographic, economic, and doctrinal character were discussed in following part of article. In the last part of the paper, an attempt was made to answer the question of how the above conditions affect the demand and performance of Chinese intelligence activities.

The article explores the transformation which the Turkish foreign policy has been undergoing in the last decade since the post-Islamist Justice and Development Party had come to power. Whereas in the cold-war era Turkey concentrated its foreign policy on bolstering the alliance with the United States and on efforts to join the European Communities, last couple of years have seen the country diversify its international engagement. Turkey has been using ‘new’ instruments, such as softpower, to build up its regional status. Yet, the ambitious foreign policy is constrained by the regional developments, the Arab Spring turmoil being the prime example.

The main priorities of President Andrzej Duda’s foreign policy

In the present state of the political system, the powers of the Polish president to conduct an independent foreign policy are quite limited. But, in the case of the Andrzej Duda presidency, there are certain areas in which his activities between 2015–2021 were dominant, however. It mainly concerned the Three Seas Initiative, the aim of which is to integrate the economy and infrastructure of Central European countries. The Polish president was and still is the main architect of this project. Moreover, he plays an important role in shaping Poland’s relations with Ukraine, and above all with the United States. It should be noted that in the latter cases, they were closely related to another scope partly within the remit of the Polish president – security policy.

Theoretical and Methodological Aspects the Concept of International Image of the State

The article considers the theoretical and methodological aspects of the formation of the international image of the state through: analysis of conceptual approaches to the concept of international image of the state; identification of factors influencing the formation of an effective image of the state in the international arena; formulation of essential features of the state image and determination of their influence on the international competitiveness of the state; defining criteria for assessing the international image; analysis of areas of international state image-making. The international image of the state is a strategic tool for strengthening the status of the state in the international arena and the main criterion for its effectiveness. The international image is formed under the influence of natural factors and purposeful activity of state and other actors. The author identifies specific features of the international image of the state: compliance with the level of political, socio-economic and cultural development of the state; emphasis on the brightest and specific characteristics of the state; the presence of significant emotional and psychological composition; easy to display object; symbolization of some aspects of state life. The main criterion for the effectiveness of the state image is to strengthen the status of the state in the international arena. The result of the analysis of the main directions of international state image-making is the allocation of three areas: geopolitical direction forms the idea of geographical space as a territory for domestic and foreign policy; marketing direction provides promotion of economic processes of the state on the world stage; branding direction based on the recognizability of formal and informal symbols of the state contributes to the recognizability of the state on the world stage. Thus, the international image is a manageable category that can be built according to the political or economic demands of the state.

China’s modern power is based on traditional sources: territory size, demographics, economy, and army. An important factor of power is soft power, which is based on culture, foreign policy (including economics), and values. Chinese soft power resources have an old tradition and the possibility of using them is large, and most importantly, in the current international environment, they can use them to gain and maintain an advantage over competitors. The article presents the elements of China’s soft power that determine its advantage over other countries and the weaknesses that may limit its influence. It largely determines the research methods used: statistics and system analysis. The latter method makes it possible to determine the scale of China’s influence and the chances of using them in the 21st century.