Violence and social consequences of the conflicts in Liberia and Sierra Leone

The civil war in Liberia began in 1989, when the country was attacked by the rebels of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) led by Charles Taylor. In Sierra Leone the civil war was initiated in 1991 by Revolutionary United Front (RUF) led by Foday Sankoh. The article describes the specifics of the conflicts in Liberia and Sierra Leone. It discusses social and economic context of the wars as well as causes of their longevity. In addition, it presents the international community actions for ending the prolonged civil war in Sierra Leone and the importance of the policy “weapon for diamonds”. The article uses a historical-analytical method of research.

The principle of non-interference in another country internal affairs and its role in People’s Republic of China foreign policy

This essay is an attempt to elaborate the role of state sovereignty and the resulting principle of non-interference in the law and practice of international relations. Authors undertook an attempt to map out the course of the evolutionary process of changing the perception of these rules and the relationship between the concept of state sovereignty and the principle of non-interference in the light of the most important acts of international law. Authors found a need to answer the question about whether and when interference in another country policy is legally and actually permissible. Moreover the goal of the article is to describe and to explain the role of non-interference principle in China’s foreign policy after year 1949. In order to achieve the stated assumption, authors analyze its historical determinant (dated back to the mid of nineteenth century) and also following, after the end of World War II, process of seeking support in international law, in face of two imperialism, which were adversarial to each other. Authors also consider the reasons for China’s economic success in Africa in the context of the principle of non-interference, to finally move into the issue regarding the evolution of the sovereignty perception and non-interference policy among Chinese decision-makers.

U.S. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC INITIATIVES TOWARDS NORTH AFRICA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY

The Mediterranean Area is a very important region at the contemporary international relations scene. Since 2001, the United States have established closer relations with North African countries. There are two main goals of the American foreign policy towards Maghreb. The first one of these goals concerning cooperation is searching for the alternative way of supplying the United States by African gas and oil. Such countries as Algeria, Libya, and Nigeria are some of the biggest holders and exporters of these natural minerals. Nowadays, the U.S., the European countries and Russia are in rivalry for Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) and oil contracts with the African partners. The winner of this competition will keep control of the whole market of minerals, and from the political, economic and strategic point of view will be stronger in the future. The second one is supporting by Maghreb countries the U.S. counter-terrorism military operation “Active Endeavour”.

Współcześnie temat pandemii wirusa SARS-CoV-2 zdominował światową prasę. Jednak problem wirusa w Afryce, jeszcze w lutym 2020 r. był w zasadzie pomijany w prasie zachodniej. Natomiast w tym samym czasie można było dostrzec coraz rosnące zainteresowanie prasy afrykańskiej tym problemem. Działo się tak, ponieważ w Afryce stosunkowo późno, w porównaniu z innymi kontynentami, zaczęto odnotowywać pierwsze zakażenia. Ze względu na szybkie rozprzestrzenianie się wirusa w świecie, 11 marca 2020 r. Światowa Organizacja Zdrowia ogłosiła stan pandemii. W początkowej fazie w Afryce, między innymi ze względu na małą ilość prowadzonych testów, nie odnotowywano takiej skali zakażeń jak w innych częściach świata, co nie oznacza, że sytuacja na kontynencie była lepsza. Celem artykułu będzie analiza sytuacji i problemów związanych z rozprzestrzenianiem się pandemii w Afryce. Na przykładzie wybranych państw autorka oceni ich przygotowanie i stosunek do walki z pandemią.

Scholars over the years have delved into the discourse of states’ foreign publics engagements in their foreign policy objectives. This analysis is done generally with the western perspective of public diplomacy with recent Asian scholarship evolving. As a result, this study aims to reflect on public diplomacy from an African perspective. Therefore, it analyses how African governments have been engaging their foreign publics (foreign governments and their citizens) to attract foreign aid, tourism, and investments in their nation-building and development trajectory. The article explores African public diplomacy mechanisms such as diasporas, nation branding, cultural diplomacy, and many others. It also digests some of the challenges confronting African governments in their public diplomacy campaigns, like lack of research, human and financial resources, and lack of coherent foreign policy documents. The article’s findings demonstrate that although Africa generally has rich public diplomacy resources, these are not adequately harnessed in most African states’ foreign policy. This situation has led to poor foreign policy implementation by most African governments. The study contributes to the public diplomacy scholarship in general and African public diplomacy in particular, which scholars have underexplored. It concludes that scholars should delve into the exegesis of the rich African public diplomacy currencies.

The Mali Federation may be perceived as one of the first African attempts at regional integration. After the Loi-cadre was enacted in 1959, the French colonies started their path toward independence, and they sought for cooperation. However, both views on the future relationship with the Fifth Republic and internal disputes over power distribution came as their most significant threats. The author analyses the idea and the creation of the Mali Federation, taking into consideration the political and historical factors. The aim of this paper is to present a general overview of one of the first and most important independence movements in West Africa. The federation was to consist initially of 4 states, but eventually, only 2 of them, i.e., French Sudan and Senegal, decided to adopt its constitution. Those two countries shared many similarities with each other; however, the lack of agreement between the parties prevented the effective functioning of the federation as a sovereign state. Although it existed only for two months, the Mali Federation marked the possibilities and the difficulties for the African cooperation and integration processes for the next decades.

Innovation is one of the key factors for growth and development in any society. However, there are many factors that can potentially impede innovation capacity. One of them is culture; this study has investigated how some African cultural practices can affect innovation potential. The author has taking into consideration such practices like prostrating, kneeling, bowing to show respect when greeting, and the perception that asking questions / been curious is impolite and disrespectful. Innovation can be triggered by curiosity and the desire to try new things; hence this research is an attempt to understand how intellectual curiosity and creativity can be stifled as a result of excessive adherence to certain cultural practices. The survey design used to collect primary data for the research featured 57 questions with total respondents of 502. Logistic regression was used to measure the predictive power and the degree to which the independent variables affected the target variable. 65% of respondents asserted that they grew up learning to be curious and had the cultural privilege to ask questions around older people. The study shows a positive relationship between growing up curious, asking questions around older people, and being potentially innovative while other cultural practices like showing respect by prostrating, kneeling, bowing, curiosity and not challenging traditional practices shows a negative relationship with innovation potential with the highest negative correlation value. However, this does not suggest that the continuous observance of these practices suppresses people’s innovation potential because correlation does not imply causation. The findings in this study implies that for Africa and Nigeria to become more competitive with respect to innovation potential, it must embrace and prioritize an open culture that eliminates subjugation in any form, one that values curiosity, out of the box thinking and creativity.

This study investigated women, migration, decent work and vulnerabilities in Africa. Essentially, it is on record that for the last few years more female migrants have been migrating independently for work, education and as heads of households. Despite these improvements, female migrants may still face stronger discrimination, are more vulnerable to mistreatment, and can experience double discrimination as both migrants and as women in their host country in comparison to male migrants. Nonetheless, male migrants are also exposed to vulnerabilities in the migration processes. For example, records have it that every day, women across Libya who have been subjected to forced marriages, sexual abuse, and other dire situations, leave their home countries for the prospect of a better life and with longing for Europe’s safety, they are willing to face an equally perilous route ahead, with the constant risk of being returned to Libyan detention centres, where they are abused, starved, and tortured (Palmucci, 2021). It is based on this that this study was carried out using investigative analysis of women victims who are presently returnees to their home country (Nigeria). Through identified women returnees from some of these countries, most especially Libya, 15 women returnees interacted to share their experiences while outside the country for greener pastures. These 15 women returnees were able to link the authors of this study to other 29 women returnees to Nigeria in the last three to two years.

French colonial policy in West Africa

This article is an attempt to analyze French colonialism in West Africa. The author focuses on the characteristics of the colonial thought of Paris, and outlines the most important concepts (tools) necessary for the study of this issue. She also marks the influence of history on the current territorial division of the French Republic and spheres of influence in West Africa. The history of the former French colonies, both after gaining independence and at current time, is also presented, and the features of the contemporary politics of the former metropolis are outlined.

Messages directed to potential volunteers via Polish-language websites. An example of voluntary work in African countries

Internet communication is widely used by Polish NGOs in communicating with the public. It is also used by foundations and associations that organize volunteering in Africa. The purpose of this article is to characterize the communications concerning participation in volunteering in the African area, which have been posted on the Polish-language Internet by the aforementioned NGOs. This article presents theoretical issues relating to the Internet as a tool of communication in NGOs, the image of the Other in Polish society (in relation to Africa and the inhabitants of the continent) and volunteering in Polish NGOs. It presents the results of the author’s own qualitative research conducted using an analytical technique, the content analysis method. Messages posted on the websites of NGOs focus on the person of the volunteer experiencing exotic adventures and gathering attractive experiences, at the expense of presenting the beneficiaries of the volunteer’s activities. The described communications present reality in a way that perpetuates stereotypes, while conveying information about the professional, ethical and intelligent nature of the activities of foundations and associations.

Last decade brought further increase in popularity and outreach of Pentecostal pastors-evangelists and the expansion of new mega-churches in Sub-Saharan Africa. Media savvy and marketing-skilled charismatic “holy men” perform multiple functions, including that of political actors, increasingly influential, and indispensable in the election cycles of multiple African states, most notably Anglophone ones. Recognising the pivotal role of Pentecostal constituencies, political players, such as candidates in presidential elections seek mega-church leaders’ blessings or a favourable political prophecy. State officials reciprocate with adopting policies which resonate with their message. This mutual relationship and mainstreaming of Pentecostal discourse affects the overall political culture of young, African democracies. As the new brand of Pentecostalism grows on economic deprivation and disillusionment with the state, it also begins to foster, not just metaphorically, an alternative order and set of values. This comes with religiously driven perceptions of pastors’ powers, which makes them seem potentially more effective and legitimate than secular, democratic leaders, and state institutions. Thanks to those credentials, as well as their widely developed networks, influential pastors begin to make inroads into African foreign policymaking. The process of officialising Pentecostal actors as quasi-diplomats as well as absorbing their ideas and modus operandi into the foreign policy arena seem to contradict advancement of professionalism and transparency in diplomacy as functions of state capabilities. However, in some contexts, growth of their powers and outreach may work in favour of increasing African agency.

There is currently a digital revolution ongoing across the globe that cannot be missed. It appears that it is bringing the newest solutions and answers to all latest requirements and expectations that seemed to be out of the reach for many decades. However, it is not only technology that is needed these days, but also societies are seeking credible tools and acceptable option implemented in order to provide an individual a state approved identity with access to legitimate services. Although each of us is subjected to rights and duties based on identity given from the very beginning of our lives, some may not have a chance to present a proof of this identity due to geographic, cultural or social issues. Various organizations both commercial and international, including state ones and NGOs, are concerned of a significant high rate of loss of opportunities by some due to lack of basic identification document, whether it is an old fashioned one or a digital ID. This paper brings some current activities and events for discussion in regards to response to deficiency in terms of equipping citizens of African countries with the latest type of identification document, which contains of access to multiple services. Moreover, while reading the study, it may be noticed the level of devotion and engagement by actors, which includes seeking and employing the best know-how practice and digital biometric traits. Thanks to such approach, some African countries may be already ahead of so-called “western developed economies”. However, digital biometrization of individuals could be a response to modern challenges on one side, and to crisis management and natural disasters on the other. The paper briefly describes the problem of identification with use of digital biometric features in Africa, and it rather invites others to carry out an independent research, as well encourage to discussion on advantages and disadvantages for using biometrics in the process of identification.

Since the 1960s, African states have passed through different conflicts with reasons such as politics, ethnic, religious, and resource-based conflicts such as border or land disputes, and several other causes. The Northern Senatorial zone of Plateau State, Nigeria has witnessed several violent conflicts between 2001 and 2023 with several scholars assessing the immediate causes and its impact without looking at the remote causes. This study examines the history of conflicts in the Northern Plateau Senatorial zone and its persistent nature with its root causes. The study adopted history research method, which comprised primary and secondary sources. Data was obtained by the researcher from oral interviews in the Jos metropolis and across Plateau North. Also, books and Journals from the University of Jos and the National Library Jos branch provided quality data. The conflict in the Northern Plateau comprising five out of the six local council areas evolved from instances of clashes and skirmishes as a result of spontaneous ethnic and religious provocations and reactions to planned attacks between Christians and Muslins in Jos North and South starting from 2001, guerilla-style reprisals, cattle rustling, herder/farmer clashes across Bassa, Riyom and Barkin Ladi LGAs. The study found out that the root cause of conflicts in the Northern Plateau was the British colonial policies of the 1900s, which led to the massive influx of immigrants that settled permanently in Jos North and South, Barkin Ladi, Riyom and Bassa LGAs. The study discovers that the conflict in Northern Plateau has led to pervasive insecurity of lives and property, as evidenced by the spate of cattle rustling, armed robbery attacks, assassinations, and ethnic and religious feuds coupled with the seeming helplessness of security agencies to handle criminal attacks on civilian populations in Riyom, Barkin Ladi and Bassa LGAs. The study recommends that security can be secure if freedom and justice are allowed to reign through arresting perpetrators and punishing them severely, allowing freedom of economic, political and social participation for all citizens of Plateau State without ethnic or religious discrimination.

The article explores the evolving landscape of European energy security amidst geopolitical tensions and market dynamics. Despite the European Union’s efforts to protect consumer interests, access to its energy market has been restricted for nations disregarding international law, leading to shifts in pricing dynamics and trade patterns globally. Notably, market participants like African nations and Kazakhstan have gained influence, while China and India face challenges in their dealings with Russian energy. The study assesses the effectiveness of strategies adopted by energy market participants and their implications for investor sentiment, using Axelrod tournament simulations to analyse strategic choices. Insights from the competition reveal the advantage of active strategies and the importance of readiness for unexpected moves. Furthermore, the article examines the interaction of strategies within the energy market and their impact on competitiveness. It also presents the inclusion of crude oil within optimal investment portfolios and discusses the temporary retreat of European and American investors from renewable energy markets in vulnerable regions like Africa. The findings suggest a decline in investor interest in renewable energy ventures outside the EU, highlighting the complex interplay of geopolitical factors, market dynamics, and investor sentiment in shaping Europe’s energy security landscape.

The EU treaty law distinguishes competences between the EU and its Member States. The scope of EU competence is constantly growing. The governments of the Member States wanted to ensure their decisions in matters of security. However, this area of international affairs is beginning to be dominated by EU institutions. It causes problems and conflicts of competence. An example is the issue of the allocation of immigrants between EU Member States and various concepts of the new EU external border security system. The division of these competencies should therefore be determined precisely. The lack of these regulations weakens the EU’s integrity and threatens to break it down. This hypothesis is confirmed by Brexit and the current political and social situation in several EU countries. e.g. in Poland and Hungary. The purpose of the article is to indicate the current legal status and postulates de lege ferenda of acquis communautaire.