A retrospective of bilateral economic relations between EU and Russia

The European Union and Russia are different in economic terms. In opposite to traditional Russia, the EU is a new type of international community. Both sides are both partners and rivals aware of their addiction. The rivalries result from the collision defending Russia’s sphere of influence and the aspirations of the enlarging Union. The Union’s goal is to develop not only through deepening cooperation, but also by admitting new members to the community. The Russian Federation in the development of the EU sees a threat to its superpower position, and this is also the result of actions aimed at inducing disintegration in the EU, because the divided Europe is a weak Europe.

EU – Ukraine: Around Kiev’s European Aspirations. Selected Aspects from a German Perspective

The goals of the article are to discuss Ukraine’s aspirations for rapprochement with the European Union, especially after the „Orange Revolution” in 2004, and in the context of the conflict with Russia over Crimea and eastern Ukraine that began in 2014. In addition, to outline of Germany’s position toward the conflict and Ukraine’s relations with the EU. The author attempts to resolve the problem of Ukraine’s chances of joining the Union in a predictable perspective. First of all, scientific and press publications, as well as European Union documents were used.

Mother of God, Banish Putin. Feminists Against Authoritarianism in Russia

The events that took place in Russia at the end of 2011 – the rigged parliamentary elections and the nomination of Vladimir Putin as presidential candidate, his return to the Kremlin after four years, caused numerous protests on a previously unknown scale. According to various estimates, tens of thousands of dissatisfied citizens took to the streets of Moscow. They were led by Alexei Navalny and Boris Nemtsov, who was later murdered in 2015. The public support of the authorities and the condemnation of the protesters by Patriarch Cyril – the head of the Russian Orthodox Church, was met with a reaction from a now outraged society. On February, 21 2012, the famous feminist group Pussy Riot, staged a performance in the building of the Council of Christ the Saviour in Moscow. The performance was to be a form of protest against the informal alliance of „the throne and the altar”. This informal alliance has been present in Russia for many years, it obliges both sides to mutual support, especially in times of crisis. The trial of the three members of the Pussy Riot group – Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Ekaterina Samucevich and Maria Alokhina was strictly political, despite strict efforts of judges and prosecutors to change its character. Under the pretence of offending religious feelings, a political lynch was carried out against the three women. The real reason for such harsh actions, was disobedience against the head of the Russian state and standing in opposition to the authoritarian form of government. The phoney trial was treated as a warning to the system’s opponents, for them to think twice before undertaking any actions against the state authorities. Pussy Riot’s performance and its consequences have provoked many questions about the condition of the rule of law in Russia and the durability of Vladimir Putin’s regime. The article describes the earlier activities of Pussy Riot, background of the events preceding performance in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, a trial and the world’s response to the verdict. The research area durability and stability of political system in Russia during the presidency of Vladimir Putin and what it guarantees. The main hypothesis is the assumption that any manifestation or insubordination to the existing order in Russia is treated as an affront, and every person undertaking such action must be severely punished and stigmatized. The research method used in the article is an analysis of written sources.

Objectives and assumptions of the policy of the Russian Federation towards Belarus in the area of oil and gas

The aim of the article is to analyze the energy policy of the Russian Federation towards Belarus in 2015–2021. The article focuses on the issues of bilateral relations in the sphere of crude oil and natural gas. Russia uses energy tools towards Belarus in order to force it to deepen its political, economic and military integration. Russia also undertook the task of regulating the principles of further energy cooperation with Belarus.

The role of foreign factor in the tragic events of 1916

In the early periods of the twentieth century a number of nations have strengthened the struggle for the redistribution of their states and to push out Russia from Central Asia, all this was used as a means by the organization of the uprising of the Muslim population.

Artykuł dotyczy udziału Rosji w nowej fazie konfliktu syryjskiego. USA i Federacja Rosyjska doszły do porozumienia w kwestii powstrzymania wymiany ognia między wojującymi siłami rządu i „umiarkowanej” opozycji w Syrii, począwszy od godziny 12.00 czasu damasceńskiego dnia 26 lutego 2016 r. To porozumienie zapoczątkowało nową rundę rozmów w ramach procesu genewskiego, które z przerwami pozostają w toku do dnia dzisiejszego. Autor zajmuje się zaangażowaniem rosyjskim w wymienionej wojnie. Wraca też do wcześniejszych etapów obecności rosyjskiej w Syrii, a także do tła rosyjskiej polityki bliskowschodniej i międzynarodowej w okresie przywództwa Putina.

Characteristics of Russia’s relations with the Kyrgyz tribes in the late 18th and early 19th century

The author of the article describes Russian relations with the Kyrgyz tribes from the late eighteenth to mid-nineteenth century. The main objective of Kyrgyz legations sent at that time to Russia was to acquire certain material goods. In relations with neighbouring powers the elders of the Kyrgyz tribes were guided by several principles. Firstly, they wanted to maintain the position of the only ruler in their tribes and clans. Secondly, to this end, the elders shifted between neighbouring powers (Russia, China and the Khanate of Kokand). Thirdly, the Kyrgyz ensured that no one interfered in their relations with the Kazakhs, with whom they shared common confession (Islam). Up until 1840s Russian politics towards the Kyrgyz tribes essentially focused on protection of merchant caravans which passed through Kirgiz lands on their way to East Turkestan. In later time Russia sought to create from the Kyrgyz territory a buffer zone between itself, China and the Khanate of Kokand.

Illusory NATO–Russia partnership during the crisis and building superpower status of the Russian Federation

The aim of the article is to analyze the relationship between NATO and the Russian Federation. Deliberations are conducted within the institutional and historical-problematic approach. The author characterizes the institutional framework for cooperation between NATO and Russia, as well as discusses the factors which are barriers to this cooperation. Therefore focuses on the most important issues of common interest of partners, such as the problem of stabilizing the security environment, the fight against international terrorism, the use of the armed forces in foreign policy, the process of NATO enlargement and the maintaining of strategic balance between parties. The Author is skeptical about the possibility of establishing a lasting partnership between NATO and Russia. He indicates the difference between the period of the 90s of the twentieth century, when was evident weakness and submission of Russia to NATO and the beginning of the twenty-first century, when is an attempt of rebuilding Russia’s superpower in a manner unacceptable by NATO.

Characteristics of an authoritarian unit (Erich Fromm), with authoritarian personality (Theodor Adorno), with hard personality (Hans Eysenck) and dogmatic (Milton Romeach) and common features for these theoretical constructs

This article addresses the subject of Erich Fromm, Theodor Adorno, Hans Eysenck and Milton Rokeache theory characterizing personality particularly susceptible to the influence of authoritarianism, personality that combat democracy. In its first part there is the characteristics of these personalities, specifically authoritarian units (Erich Fromm), with authoritarian personality, hard personality (Hans Eysenck) and dogmatic (Milton Rozeach). The second part of this article is trying to find common features for these theoretical constructs. Mostly, however, it is a criticism of erroneous (in my opinion) thinking when creating these theories. I noticed that the creators of the majority of them not only describe personality types particularly susceptible to the influence of authoritarianism, but above all they condemn them. In practice, this comes down to attacking the extreme right. However, attention should be paid to several important issues that negate this attitude. With authoritarianism, only the right can be identified. The division of the right/left is not very sharp. In turn, authoritarianism does not always mean a lack of humanitarianism, intolerance, and persecution. Most of the above theoretical constructs indicate, in my opinion, it is wrong that the political features of a person acquire under the influence of the environment, the environment. However, they are not somehow inherited, genetically conditioned. In addition, I think that only a certain, smaller part of society has specific political views. And only among them there is a group of people with authoritarian tendencies. This part of a society that has unspecified political views can be a business – related political option, even authoritarian, if this option provides its benefits. The assumption that the political actions of society result from the internal features of individuals is another point with which it is difficult to (me) agree. In fact, the effectiveness of the ruling team decides.

Turkey’s reaction to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine

The aim of the publication is to analyze Turkey’s reaction to Russia’s aggression towards Ukraine. The research will first identify the following independent variables which determine Turkey’s response to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine: the geostrategic importance of the Black Sea, the multidimensional cooperation between Turkey and Ukraine, the interdependence of Turkey and Russia, and the economic crisis in Turkey. Secondly, the strategy of the analyzed reaction will be discussed together with the justification for its choice. Third, the diplomatic, political, military, and humanitarian actions undertaken by Turkey in response to the war in Ukraine will be analyzed. A methodological assumption has been made, with which Turkey’s reaction to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine (the dependent variable) is conditioned by independent variables functioning simultaneously on two levels: the international system and the domestic system. Four research hypotheses will be verified in the article.

Kirkenes city as the capital of Barents Region and a symbol of Russian-Norwegian cooperation

The present paper is dedicated to small multicultural Norwegian city of Kirkenes, which because of its history and geographic location became a symbol of Norwegian- -Russian trans-border cooperation. The text is dedicated to the history of this Arctic city and the beginning, idea and realization of cooperation in Barents Region, which was initiated there in 1993 and the role played by the city in Norway-Russian bilateral relations.

The Council of Europe plays a special role in promoting democracy, the rule of law and the protection of human rights. The events of recent years, and especially Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, have significantly changed the conditions for the implementation of the Council of Europe’s mission. The author analyzed, based on the resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 2473 (2022) “Strengthening the role of the Council of Europe as a cornestone of the European political architecture”, the activities of the Council of Europe aimed at seeking its role in the emerging new political architecture of Europe. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine may create conditions for a new look at the opportunities offered by the Council of Europe for European development and create a climate for intensifying forms of cooperation between European international organizations in the event of new threats to European development.

Contemporary Russian propaganda and the war in Ukraine

The article is an attempt to analyze contemporary Russian propaganda through the prism of the war in Ukraine. The purpose of the research is to assess the effectiveness of contemporary Russian propaganda in this area. The research was based on a qualitative methodology with the use of a source analysis strategy. Research showed the contemporary Russian propaganda has a significant impact on the perception of the war in Ukraine among Russians – although its effectiveness is showing a decrease.

Znaczenie Kaukazu Północnego dla bezpieczeństwa Federacji Rosyjskiej

The article is dedicated to the dilemmas of post-imperial statehood in the context of Russian Federation security, with the particular emphasis on the fundamental alternative: to maintain the polyethnic (quasi-imperial) model of state or to build a nation state. The Author defines the concept of „empire” from the point of view of three determinants: the concentric structure based on center-periphery dichotomy, orientation towards the external mission and imperial idea. From this point of view, Russia is an imperial state (contrary to Tsarist Empire and USSR), neither is a typical nation state. The Author tries to prove that The author tries to demonstrate that the abandonment of federal, multinational state model would be tantamount to the loss of strategically important North Caucasus, which would deprive it of a regional power status. The study contains a multi-faceted exploration of the North Caucasus (which is a highly turbulent region) as a key territory for the global dimension of geostrategy. The Author analyzes potential threats to North Caucasian security and actions taken by Moscow in order to prevent them. He pays attention to the growing popularity of slogans about the necessity of separation of Caucasus and Russia. In his opinion, Caspian-Black Sea Region would become a zone of global destabilization, posing a threat to the world peace.

Syria 2.0? Will Burma play a similar role in the Far Eastern policy of the Russian Federation to Syria in the Kremlin’s Middle Eastern strategy?

The intensification of Russia-Myanmar relations has been one of the the unexpected consequences of Russo-Ukrainian war. For Russian Federation Burma/ Myanmar used to be a secondary partner, important only due to being the major client of the military-industrial complex. Global (semi)isolation of Russia changed these calculations, upgrading the importance of Myanmar in Russia’s foreign policy. For Naypyidaw these relations have been important since the last coup (1 February 2021), in the aftermath of the putsch Moscow became the biggest international protector of Burmese generals. Due to these two reasons Russia-Myanmar relations have reached the unprecedented high level, unseen in history of this bilateral relations.

The research purpose of the paper is to analyze the key assumptions outlined in the US National Security Strategy 2022. The paper will look for answers to the following questions: What is national security strategy? Is it an important document? What and for whom does it matter? What direction will US policy take under Joe Biden’s administration? What tools and methods will be used? What are the goals and priorities set in the document? Which countries are among the closest allies and biggest adversaries? What impact had the Russian aggression against Ukraine on the shape of the US National Security Strategy 2022? The main research method will be source analysis and criticism, as well as a comparative method to contrast the current NSS with previous ones. The research thesis assumes that the priority of the current US security strategy remains the one initiated during previous White House administrations – the rivalry with China, which in tandem with Russia aims to change the modern international order, threatening the national interests of the United States of America. The conducted analysis, on the one hand, confirms the thesis, and, on the other hand, points to inconsistencies in US strategic thinking (which takes the form of a “wish list”), which can significantly affect the effectiveness of the implementation of the set goals and objectives.

This paper aims to shed light on the propaganda tool Russia has chosen to promote its imperial desire – the reconstruction of the Soviet Union. The research takes the Putin era, from the year 2000 to the present, as a timeframe. The data in this research was primarily a library-based study using primary research resources. The study uses a systemic method by approaching the post- Cold War era as a system impacted by Russia’s policies in the decision-making sphere. The primary research question: Is propaganda a tool for rebuilding the Soviet Union? The hypothesis: Russian propaganda serves as a strategic tool for fostering sentiments of unity and potential efforts to revive the appearance of the Soviet Union. A detailed description of the following questions helps provide tremendous insight into implementing the main question: What is Russia’s propaganda strategy? How does Russia’s disinformation and propaganda strategy operate in post-Soviet countries?

This article provides a nuanced perspective concerning the future prospects of Sino-Russian security cooperation. It examines the image of China in Russian strategic documents during President Putin’s rule and investigates potential points of conflict arising from Russia’s perception of the post-Soviet landscape as its exclusive sphere of influence. The study is based on a systematic analysis of Russian strategic documents, specifically focusing on how they address of Sino-Russian relations, as well as Russian security and foreign policy concerning Central Asia. The analysis reveals that actual Russian security policy exhibits caution in its cooperation with China. The research contributes to the field by delineating a significant discrepancy between the role ascribed to China in Russian state propaganda, and therefore in public perception, and the more measured and reasonable formulations present in Russian strategic documents. This divergence illustrates the complexity and caution that characterise genuine Sino-Russian relations, especially in the realm of security policy.

This paper examines the concept of risk and its importance in the decision-making process, using Russia as an illustration. Risk is presented as a complex and dichotomous category of phenomena. It can be understood as a probable threat and/or an anticipated opportunity. Referring to the theory of expected utility, I argue that the motives of decision-makers in a risk situation will lead them to rationally choose the value with the highest level of priority for the decision-maker, but not necessarily the highest in terms of actual value. Five decision-making situations confirm the hypothesis that Russia has a high propensity for risky actions: the war in Georgia in 2008, the annexation of Crimea in 2014, the violation of Turkey’s airspace by a Russian bomber in 2015, Russian attack on Ukraine in 2022 and the use of doping by Russian athletes during international championships. The conclusion extends these findings to imply that Russia is a key source of risk for the international community.

Nuclear powers are losing wars too! Clash in the cognitive domain – Russian nuclear blackmail vs. Ukraine’s chances of victory

The clash conducted in the cognitive domain is aimed at influencing the will, determination, coherence of decision-making centers and threat assessment, at the level of individuals, groups and entire societies. Freedom of speech and multicentricity, make democratic societies more vulnerable to influence in the cognitive domain. Strategic signaling of nuclear readiness plays a special role among the leverage tools used by the Russian Federation. The interests of Western states have been and continue to be violated by Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. At the same time, the potential of Western states exceeds Russian potential many times over in a number of areas. Russia can count on a favorable resolution of the conflict for itself due to a calculation that takes into account the effective disruption of Western unity and determination to support a belligerent Ukraine, an element of which is the aforementioned threat of Russia’s use of nuclear weapons.