After the beginning of the conflict in Ukraine and Russia’s annexation of the Crimean Peninsula, the Czech Republic became fully aware of the threats posed by the Kremlin despite President Zeman has denied the presence of Russian troops in Ukraine and has criticised the EU sanctions against Russia. Czechia belongs to the group of countries through which Russia influences the EU, to gradually and deliberately erode its structures. Russia exerts a strong influence on the Czech Republic by non-military means, including disinformation and propaganda, the activities of secret services, and penetration of its economy and specifically its energy sector. The article aims to answer the question about the role of Russian disinformation and propaganda in the context of Russian influence in the Czech Republic. The role of Russian disinformation and propaganda and how Russia influences Czechia is extensively analysed. The main hypothesis is that Russia treats the Czech Republic as a key state for espionage and disinformation activities and as a zone of influence, undermining the sovereignty of the Czech Republic and the role of NATO and the EU.

The second half of the 20th century can be referred to as a considerable increase of martial and non-martial politically-military blocs existing back then. Political changes that were initiated in the 90s of the previous century have considerably changed geopolitical and geostrategic situation of virtually every country. What has also undergone a visible change was international security, the latter being manifested in the security of regions and states. These complex conditions constituted the grounds for new threats, appearing in addition to the already existing ones. The scale and significance of the latter came as a great surprise for international community. Apart from military threats there were a number of non-military ones, the sources of which could be traced back to civilisation and social progress. Some of the threats are the conflicts of national, ethnic and religion background as well as mass migration of people, organized crime, information theft , terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction to name but few. The phenomena and the events that took place at the turn of the centuries point at advanced asymmetric activities which off er numerous possibilities to the offenders due to variety of the means that can be implemented. They infringe internal as well as external security of particular states.

The new late Westphalian international system is strongly connected with the process of globalization. It changed and challenged the traditional role of the state. It is impossible to be independent or self-sufficient in such a system. There are many new non-state players in the international relations. Terrorist organizations or transnational companies can act across state borders. We have also many other phenomena, like drugs and arms trafficking, illegal migration, the need of energy security, weapons of mass destruction or the global financial crisis. That is why states have to act together to deal with such problems. The system of international interdependence forces to change the traditional meaning of state’s sovereignty and security. The participation in some specific international organizations, like the European Union, changes the role of the state. We can analyse the process of erosion of state’s sovereignty or the transition of the part of the state’s sovereignty to some transnational decision making structures. The question is, how much sovereignty we can give up to keep our identity? This question is a key issue in the process of Turkey’s integration with the EU. The new international situation made Turkey a much more active and pragmatic player. In late Westphalian system Turkey is an important part of the regional security in Eurasia not only in military sense but also in economic, cultural or political dimensions. Turkey enjoys a special location between Europe and Asia along one of the world’s biggest trade routes. It is a geopolitically significant country—European and Asian at the same time. Such a position made Turkey a state with a very specific international role in establishing a dialog between civilizations. It can be also a key element of the energy security of the European Union as a corridor for the resources from the Caucasus and Central Asia regions to the European markets. Turkey is also a very important element in the transatlantic security system. It may play a significant role in the Western counterterrorism strategy in the Middle East and Central Asia. Turkey could make a valuable contribution to the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). Turkey needs a peaceful neighbourhood and security borders to continue its internal reforms which are important to adapt to the new late Westphalian international system. In this analysis, it is necessary to explain the main thesis: what is the Westphalian international system, the late Westphalian international system, what the place of Turkey is in the late Westphalian international system and how it influences the Turkish security

There is a strong conviction in the political thought of the Law and Justice party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość; hereafter PiS) that the fundamental motive behind the state’s activity in the international environment is the pursuit of the state’s own interests (the realistic theory of international relations), which is historically determined (historical policy). PiS politicians specified that the main goal of the Polish foreign policy is to ensure the state’s external security.. Two fundamental pillars of the Republic of Poland’s security were defined. First, the foundation of the state’s security would be close alliance with the United States, strengthened by Poland’s membership in the NATO. Secondly, a significant role in the neutralization of threats was seen in Poland’s membership in the European Union. The party led by Jarosław Kaczyński took an exceptionally realistic view of the policies pursued by Poland’s neighbours – Russia and Germany. The Russian Federation was seen as a state that sought to gain control over Central and Eastern European countries (clientelism). The intensification of the cooperation between Germany and Russia caused particular apprehension among PiS politicians.

This paper focuses on relations between Japan and the two Koreas, the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Relations between Japan and the two Koreas can be simultaneously examined in three related contexts: the history of the national entities which is still subject to divergent interpretations, the post-Cold War East Asian security environment, and international relations (IR) theory, particularly the contrasts between neorealism, neoliberalism and neoclassical realism. In addition to traditional relations, the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910–1945) still serves as a relevant area of sensitivity between all three nations. The post-Cold War East Asian security environment is a complex mixture of vestiges of the Cold War and new regional paradigms and shifts of power, particularly against the backdrop of competing big-power interests converging on the region. Both the relations between these three nations and as well as the regional concerns of other state-actors have often been focused in recent years by North Korea’s developing nuclear weapons and missile technologies. Japanese-Korean relations present a contentious subject for IR scholars to debate the respective merits of various theoretical approaches. It is the opinion of the author that on balance, at least for the time being, neoclassical realism is a better lens through which to view these relations.

Theoretical and Methodological Aspects the Concept of International Image of the State

The article considers the theoretical and methodological aspects of the formation of the international image of the state through: analysis of conceptual approaches to the concept of international image of the state; identification of factors influencing the formation of an effective image of the state in the international arena; formulation of essential features of the state image and determination of their influence on the international competitiveness of the state; defining criteria for assessing the international image; analysis of areas of international state image-making. The international image of the state is a strategic tool for strengthening the status of the state in the international arena and the main criterion for its effectiveness. The international image is formed under the influence of natural factors and purposeful activity of state and other actors. The author identifies specific features of the international image of the state: compliance with the level of political, socio-economic and cultural development of the state; emphasis on the brightest and specific characteristics of the state; the presence of significant emotional and psychological composition; easy to display object; symbolization of some aspects of state life. The main criterion for the effectiveness of the state image is to strengthen the status of the state in the international arena. The result of the analysis of the main directions of international state image-making is the allocation of three areas: geopolitical direction forms the idea of geographical space as a territory for domestic and foreign policy; marketing direction provides promotion of economic processes of the state on the world stage; branding direction based on the recognizability of formal and informal symbols of the state contributes to the recognizability of the state on the world stage. Thus, the international image is a manageable category that can be built according to the political or economic demands of the state.

Poland’s Diplomatic Representatives in Romania, 1918–1940. Part 1: 1918–1940

Polish politicians had appreciated the importance of relations with Romania since the beginning of the independent Poland, indicating the need for close political and economic cooperation with that country which would serve to resist the Soviet expansion in Central and Eastern Europe. The establishment of official diplomatic relations between Poland and Romania proved to be a rather complex process. It was essentially affected by the lack of agreement between the two centers competing for leadership in Poland, that is the authorities in Warsaw and the Polish National Committee (KNP) in Paris. It was manifested by keeping in Bucharest their own representatives, more or less tolerated by the Romanian, the so-called Legation headed by Marian Linde and the delegate of KNP Stanisław Koźmiński. In the end, Alexander Skrzyński was appointed the envoy of the Republic of Poland and officially recognized by the Romanian authorities. The establishment of official diplomatic relations did not mean, however, immediate rapprochement between the two countries. It was a process lasting almost two years which, thanks to the merits of Alexander Skrzyński, was crowned by signing the Polish-Romanian alliance in March 1921. The next stage consisted of the efforts to strengthen and extend this alliance made by Skrzyński as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Paweł Jurjewicz – his successor to the position of chargé d’affaires, and then an envoy in Bucharest. The process was slowed down by the inept policy of Marian Seyda, the next foreign minister of Poland.

Historians talks about difficult neighbourhood

Topic of the article, which consists of two parts, is the picture of Polish-Russian relations in the latest historiography. In the first part, the author discusses the works of Polish scholars concerning the war expeditions of the Republic of Poland to Moscow (the so-called “Dymitriady”) at the beginning of the 17th century, which left in Russian historical memory permanent negative traces, as well as the invasions of the Eastern neighbor on the Polish lands in the 18th and 19th centuries, especially in times of partitions. The second part, a much more extensive, contains an analysis of the fundamental work by Adam Rotfeld and Anatolij Torkunow under the title Białe plamy – czarne plamy. Sprawy trudne w relacjach polsko-rosyjskich (1918–2008) [White patches – black spots. The difficult cases in Polish-Russian relations (1918–2008)], Warsaw 2010, p. 907. It is composed of 16 chapters, each of which contains two articles on the same subject, one by Polish researcher, the second is Russian. They cover the interwar period, World War II and the time after 1945, among others, the Katyn massacre, the Polish October of 1956 and martial law. The author particularly carefully treats issues causing controversy and comes to the conclusion that this valuable work is a huge contribution to the description of topics overlooked, ignored or deformed by propaganda. Draws attention to the objectivity of Russian authors to Polish affaires and a deep understanding of those matters. It can be showed mainly on the example of their relation to the events in Poland in the years 1980–1981. The work was published simultaneously in two languages-Russian and Polish.

Characteristics of Russia’s relations with the Kyrgyz tribes in the late 18th and early 19th century

The author of the article describes Russian relations with the Kyrgyz tribes from the late eighteenth to mid-nineteenth century. The main objective of Kyrgyz legations sent at that time to Russia was to acquire certain material goods. In relations with neighbouring powers the elders of the Kyrgyz tribes were guided by several principles. Firstly, they wanted to maintain the position of the only ruler in their tribes and clans. Secondly, to this end, the elders shifted between neighbouring powers (Russia, China and the Khanate of Kokand). Thirdly, the Kyrgyz ensured that no one interfered in their relations with the Kazakhs, with whom they shared common confession (Islam). Up until 1840s Russian politics towards the Kyrgyz tribes essentially focused on protection of merchant caravans which passed through Kirgiz lands on their way to East Turkestan. In later time Russia sought to create from the Kyrgyz territory a buffer zone between itself, China and the Khanate of Kokand.

EU member states: a new paradigm of sovereignty? An outline of the issue

Political and economic integration of countries taking place within the European Union leads to the modification of certain traditional features of the state’s sovereignty, such as, for example, exclusive judiciary competence within the state’s territory or independent financial, budget and fiscal policy. This calls for the analysis whether, and if so, to what extent, being the EU member state influences the country’s sovereignty. There are two contrasting views regarding this matter: some theoreticians claim that this integration limits or even eliminates the country’s sovereignty, while others argue that countries retain their sovereignty, and integration is the manifestation of sovereignty. The aim of the article is to reflect on these theories in the context of a new paradigm of EU member states’s sovereignty, which takes into account new relations between such agents as an individual, society, nation, or state.

The main purpose of the article is to examine the opinions expressed by Georgian elites regarding the position of the Federal Republic of Germany towards Georgia in 2023. The text discusses the question to what extent the image created for the needs of the internal political game in Georgia corresponds to bilateral relations between the two countries. The re-evaluation of German Eastern policy in connection with the Russian-Ukrainian conflict influences Germany’s attitude towards Georgia. Georgia is at a special historical moment. The receding prospect of Georgia’s EU membership due to the rule of law and respect for civil liberties shortcomings affects also the perception of Germany in Caucasus. The future of Georgia and the shape of relations with the West, including Germany, will depend primarily on the behavior of Georgian elites, some of whom treat accession to the EU as an element of a political game.

International conditions of the IT sector development in Belarus and the reasons for emigration of Belarusian IT specialists in 2020–2021

The aim of the article is to indicate the relevant factors shaping economic migrations from the perspective of the theory of international relations. The article concerns a crucial period for the immigration of IT workers from Belarus, i.e. the second half of 2020 and the first half of 2021. From the point of view of the theory of international relations, it should pay attention to two levels in research on the issues of economic cooperation: domestic and international one. In the article, the author will point out the link between migration and the international and political conditions of the development of the IT sector in Belarus. The research hypothesis put forward by the author is related to the link between the causes of migration and the economic and political conditions that developed in Belarus in the 21st century. Authoritarian systems, according to the author, may favor economic development and create conditions for running a business in a specific way, but the security of such activity itself is limited.

Complex interdependence has emerged as multiple channels that establish relations and agendas between states that involve public, private and NGO stakeholders to resolve issues and take a state towards a development path. This article argues how development policy establishes complex interdependence and also increases bilateral relationships. The development theory and economic interdependence evaluate the economic and social conditioning of developing countries in the shadow of complex interdependence; the role of international development assistance needs to understand the interest of developed countries in international relations. The theoretical analysis also compiles the term well-being including human development, health, quality of life, political freedom, social rights, and wealth. These terms are the centre point of well-being, which consists of happiness and health as subjective matters. As the importance of development is stressed by Holtz and Sen, both emphasise the well-being of the population, which must need to address the component of development for the eradication of poverty.

The research goal of this paper is to develop a two-dimensional catalogue of security threats related to areas beyond national jurisdiction, taking into account specific features of each area and its legal regime. The catalogue of threats will take the form of a matrix where each area beyond national jurisdiction will be juxtaposed with five categories of threats: political, military, ecological, economic and human security. The matrix will visualize which threats are of relevance to the security of a particular area beyond national jurisdiction as well as which threats originating in a particular area beyond national jurisdiction are of relevance to the security of States and the whole international community.

Morocco and the Arab World During the Reign of Hasan II (1961–1999)

Relations with the Arab world formed one of the main lines of Morocco’s foreign policy in the post-independence period. In this respect, much attention was paid to relations with the Maghreb countries, especially Algeria and Mauritania. The paper’s main goal is to present and analyse relations of the Kingdom of Morocco with other Arab states during the rule of King Hasan II (1961–1999) in light of the events in the Middle East and North Africa. One of the key trends in the Moroccan foreign policy of that time was based on the aspiration to reclaim lands perceived as historical parts of the kingdom and to reinforce the sovereign statehood. Such plans were not welcome by the other states of the region and often led to disputes, such as the Western Sahara conflict. Considering the attitude of the Moroccan authorities towards the Arab-Israeli conflict, relations with Israel are also depicted in the work.

The conducted research indicates the elements characteristic of power relations among states in Eastern Europe by describing them in mathematical terms. Using existing assumptions and resulting universal powermetric models, the study adapts them to the specifics of the region, enabling the implementation of the negative role of the imports of Russian energy resources in calculating the power of individual states. The role of trade links based on the two main energy resources – natural gas and crude oil – has been indicated. Imports of these raw materials from Russia, which constitute a significant part of the balance of resources used in the energy sectors of the importing countries, are the source of reduction of the geopolitical position of these states in the region, in relation to the position held by the Russian Federation. By taking into account the negative impact of trade in energy resources due to their use by the Russian Federation as a tool in achieving geostrategic goals, the conclusions obtained in the study allow for an increase in the accuracy of existing powermetric models in research on power distribution in Eastern Europe.

Ho Chi Minh and the Vietnamese School of Diplomacy. A Pragmatic Approach to the Traditional Narrative

The aim of the article is to define and analyze the specific, traditional features of Vietnamese diplomacy that are associated with the international activities of the first Vietnamese president, Ho Chi Minh (1890–1969). The basis of the Vietnamese leader’s official rhetoric is communist (Marxist-Leninist) ideology, which, adapted to Vietnamese realities, is often referred to as hoshiminism. Alongside communist ideas in Ho’s speeches and activities, patriotism and nationalism or sovereign decision-making should be mentioned. These are reflected in the documents of the recent 13th Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam, a brief analysis of which in the context of contemporary diplomacy is presented in the article. The blending of global and regional trends, the ability to navigate the tangle of interests of the great powers, to extract as much benefit for oneself as possible from the contradictions of their interests, to build an image of a flexible, friendly, pragmatic state have all been adopted from the war period are characteristics reflected in the term used for Vietnam’s diplomacy today – ‘bamboo diplomacy’.

The paper’s main objective is to determine whether the New Hansa is a form of the Politics of Memory for cities. In the paper, the author proposes a definition of the Politics of Memory and analyses the characteristics of the medieval and modern Hansa. Separate sections analyse the old and new Hansa, and describe the discussion on the Politics of Memory in the context of paradiplomacy, especially city diplomacy. Altogether, these reflections lead to comparisons of the organisations and conclusions about the selective nature of the New Hansa in relation to its legendary predecessor. Nevertheless, the New Hansa has specific core features – such as the deliberate use of legacy, brand-oriented actions and education – that make this urban network an excellent example of the Politics of Memory implemented by municipal governments.

This article provides a nuanced perspective concerning the future prospects of Sino-Russian security cooperation. It examines the image of China in Russian strategic documents during President Putin’s rule and investigates potential points of conflict arising from Russia’s perception of the post-Soviet landscape as its exclusive sphere of influence. The study is based on a systematic analysis of Russian strategic documents, specifically focusing on how they address of Sino-Russian relations, as well as Russian security and foreign policy concerning Central Asia. The analysis reveals that actual Russian security policy exhibits caution in its cooperation with China. The research contributes to the field by delineating a significant discrepancy between the role ascribed to China in Russian state propaganda, and therefore in public perception, and the more measured and reasonable formulations present in Russian strategic documents. This divergence illustrates the complexity and caution that characterise genuine Sino-Russian relations, especially in the realm of security policy.

The war in Ukraine in historical and political dimensions

When starting operations in Ukraine, the Russian Federation set itself specific strategic goals. To determine the degree to which these goals have been achieved, they should be correlated with the course of Russian activities to date. The first phase of the Russian military operation ended in failure, and the implementation of the set strategic goals should be considered very difficult or even impossible. The initial answer may be that the war was planned and started by the Kremlin and its security services, not professional military officials. This is where the Russians ignored certain basic principles of the art of war and the concept of new generation war itself. The Russians have not designated a commander-in-chief in the Ukrainian theater of war.