The international and domestic efforts directed toward establishing effective regulations of multinational enterprises (MNEs) activity in the human rights and environmental realms are currently entering an intriguing phase. The trend toward setting forth legally binding obligations applicable across their complex, transnational structures is gaining momentum, and the upcoming EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) may significantly contribute to this process. The research aim of this study is to examine how the draft CSDDD is woven into the present regulatory landscape, and what impact it may potentially have. Due to multicentricity of the legal sources’ systems in the member states, the EU law underway will also affect their constitutional orders. To tackle the research task, it is crucial to delineate the broader context of the challenges surrounding the enforcement of social and environmental accountability throughout global value chains, which arise at the intersection of the existing governance mechanisms’ quality, and the legal as well as organisational MNEs’ logics. These interconnected issues are addressed in the first section of the paper. The second section covers CSDDD as reflecting and potentially accelerating regulatory trends.

Wojciech Bogumił Jastrzębowski’s draft of a Constitution for Europe is a vision of an ideal European social order, whose foundation is to be found, inter alia, in the citizen’s universal right to freedom and independence, to diversity and individual identity, as well as the right to live in peace. It is thus highly apparent that a number of parallels exist between the alliance of nations postulated by Jastrzębowski and later forms of integration existing and still being developed in contemporary Europe. The aim of this article is to analyse and characterize the existing similarities, and also the most significant differences, between the monarchist vision of the European alliance of nations, as presented by the author of the Constitution for Europe, and the contemporary realisation of the idea of the unity of the continent.

Legitimization Of The European Union’s Supranational Political Power In The Perspective Of Selected Theories Of European Integration

The aim of this paper is to seek a theoretical framework for explaining the sources of legitimacy of EU political power. The research problem concerns the establishing of the sources of legitimacy of the EU political system, depending on the implemented theories of European integration. The research process uses selected theories of European integration: intergovernmental theory, neo-functionalism and constructivism, which point to diverse sources of legitimacy of supranational political power. These include: the will and interests of sovereign states, the high efficiency and effectiveness of supranational political power in achieving the goals of various interest groups, and social norms and values. The analysis carried out enabled a positive verification of the research hypothesis on the diverse origins of the legitimacy of EU supranational power, justified within the framework of selected theories of European integration.

The main focus of the article is the analysis of the concept of European Union consumer policy in the context of specific policy, economic policy and public policy. The scope of EU consumer policy is examined in terms of its subject matter and actors. The subject matter of EU consumer policy is a set of legal and organisational activities undertaken by EU institutions and international consumer NGOs in accordance with consumer policy programmes for a given period of time. One overarching subject, the consumer, is identified in the subjective context. The definition of the ‘consumer’ in a socio-legal context is analysed.

The aim of the paper is to study the European Union’s geoeconomics policy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region. In recent times, the Indo-Pacific has been gaining attention of the global economic powers. On this issue, the EU has launched a cooperation policy in the IndoPacific. This study examines the EU’s comprehensive strategy for the expansion of its presence in the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. The EU wants economic and security partnerships among the Indo-Pacific countries. Among the EU member states, the French government is much enthusiastic about strategic cooperation in the Indo-Pacific. The European Union’s policy has been operating in the regions as an instrument of soft and hard power. The research highlighted that the EU implies the construction of structural strategic networks to intensify the high capacities in the projection of power. The EU uses the key approaches of hard and soft power to achieve transatlantic goals. The comparative case study method is useful to know the objectives and results of the research. In conclusion, the EU needs to establish a much stronger relationship among the pacific countries to counter the Chinese aggression and expansion in maritime diplomacy.

The Social Credit System (SCS, 社会信用体系, shèhuì xìnyòng tĭxì), is an extremely interesting, ultimately nationwide pilot project, consisting of establishing the system of social rating, which, based on data collected over decades and stored both analog and with the use of state-of-the-art technologies will create profiles of citizens and businesses in the People’s Republic of China. The system focuses on four main spheres – national enterprises and economy, society, the judiciary, and public administration. It is in them that a higher level of social trust and security will be ensured, law regulations better observed, corruption eliminated, and proper transparency guaranteed. In analyzing the issue of the Western world’s attitude to the mechanism of digital surveillance and control of business and social activity in China, I should seek answers to the following questions, intriguing from the cognitive and practical perspective: Which of the above interpretations seems to be closer to the truth?; can the SCS have, at least partially, a universal character in the European Union, especially in the societies with a different system of values and the countries with a different political system than the one of the PRC?

The aim of education in the uniting Europe is to teach people of different cultures, religions and nationalities how to live together in peace. In the political aspect, it means bringing about rapprochement between nations. In Polish circumstances, Europeanism in the school context means carrying out activities aimed at making pupils realize the existence of the European Union, as well as its objectives and guiding rules. European education assumes that the European Community should be perceived not only in the institutional, economic or poHtical perspective, but mainly in the human one, as related to ever tightening bonds within the frameworks of the OId Continent that build an integrated community. However, the consciousness of the on-going changes can hardly be acknowledged as prevailing and well founded, since the probing research reveals that the knowledge of European problems among present and future PoHsh teachers from the Upper Silesian region is only fragmentary. Such a state of affairs should be a subject of retlection, especially in view of PoIand's imminent accession to the European Union.

The article considers the issue of the migration crisis of Ukrainian refugees to EU member states caused by Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. An elucidation was made as to the quantity of Ukrainian refugees taken in by European states since the Russia’s full-scale military invasion of Ukraine commenced. An analysis of forms of protection for individuals in the European Union is conducted, including refugee status and temporary protection. The legislation of refugee status in the EU is represented through the prism of the analysis of the Council Directive 2001/55/EC on temporary protection. The key difference between temporary protection and refugee status is defined. The key problems faced by European countries are highlighted; concurrently, the obstacles experienced by Ukrainian refugees are presented, namely, obtaining housing and employment. Special attention was paid to the issue of “fatigue” and exhaustion of social systems and ordinary citizens in EU countries. The authors present the results of the study on the mechanisms of providing protection and asylum to Ukrainian refugees in the EU. Furthermore, the 10-point strategy suggested by the European Commission to the European Council and the Justice and Home Affairs Council in order to support EU countries in their endeavor of admitting Ukrainian refugees has been duly given attention. The core research objectives revolve around the effectiveness of protection mechanisms for Ukrainian refugees in the EU, and any consequences said system may bring about for both the EU and Ukraine.

The peculiarities of implementing the policy of the EU’s Eastern Partnership Initiative in regards to protecting the rights of national minorities have been studied. The issue of national minorities in the EU is considered from the perspectives of security, democracy, and regional integration. Despite contemporary criticism of the EU’s Eastern Partnership Initiative, many initiatives aimed at protecting the rights of national minorities in the region have been implemented, thereby fostering intergovernmental cooperation. It is evident that Ukraine and Moldova are the most proactive in protecting the rights of national minorities amongst the Eastern Partnership countries. These countries have been granted the status of candidate for EU accession. Despite the Russian-Ukrainian war, Ukraine actively works on improving legislation in the field of ethno-policy. Particular emphasis is placed on analysis of the institutional structure of national minorities, communication pathways, and non-discriminatory policies in Eastern Partnership countries. Member states of the Eastern Partnership actively utilize “soft power” techniques through a network of minority organizations. It has been suggested that European integration of Ukraine and Moldova has generated considerable opportunities for the development of national minorities. Loosening of state borders has enabled national minorities to connect more deeply with their ethnic homelands, thereby transforming them into engaged participants of transborder cooperation and significant figures of regional policy. The Eastern Partnership furnishes a platform for minorities to assert themselves in decisions which pertain to their lives, execute grant initiatives, and take part in regional associations of minorities. Nevertheless, certain risks are highlighted, such as particular nations exploiting EU enlargement to tackle minority matters or manipulate minority rights. The EU has analyzed programs supporting national minorities, especially those implemented in the Eastern Partnership countries. While Eastern Partnership countries have developed their policies regarding national minorities, there are common problems faced by minorities in the region. Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, Azerbaijan, and Armenia are involved in conflicts, being former Soviet Union countries, and face numerous challenges concerning the functioning of the Russian minority, which is numerically significant in this region. It is stated that the EU cooperates with the Eastern Partnership countries on matters regarding national minorities, and it is crucial to develop innovative models for managing ethnic diversity, promoting the involvement of national minorities in making socio-political decisions and integrating them into society.

The article contains a thorough analysis of the European active labour market policies in the face of the influx of Ukrainians following the outbreak of the Russia’s full-scale aggression against Ukraine. An overview of the temporary protection regulations for Ukrainians adopted by the EU states made it possible to determine the conditions of legal residence and labour market access. Statistical data and surveys conducted by international institutions became the basis for identification the Ukrainian refugee’s profile on the EU labour market. Thus, the vast majority of Ukrainian citizens staying in EU states are women with higher-than-average educational level; good or high proficiency in English; who used to work before the war with a non-negligible share in the health and education sectors; and who often work below their qualification. In addition, an analytical comparison was undertaken to highlight the image of migrants who came to Poland before February 24, 2022 and that of war refugees who have arrived following the outbreak of the war in Ukraine. Acceptance of Ukrainians by Poles, remarkable similarities between countries in terms of culture, favourable access to the labour market and healthcare are of the utmost significance for both economic migrants and war refugees.

Public opinion was outraged by information that Pegasus technology, intended to combat terrorism and organized crime, was also used to combat the opposition, surveil political opponents, and influence the outcome of elections in some member states of the Council of Europe and the European Union. These organizations have undertaken studies of these situations and have formulated a number of recommendations to Member States, including Poland. The author analyzed these documents and suggests that even if they are only the so-called “soft law”, the dispositions contained therein should be consistently implemented in accordance with the values of democracy, the rule of law and the protection of human rights. Full implementation of these recommendations by Poland is necessary to improve its image among democratic European countries.

European standards towards LGBT social movement in some countries inside and outside European Union. Comparative analysis

In this article author compares LGBT’s human rights standards in Poland, Germany, Ukraine, Russia and some Middle Eastern states. Members of the LGBT community have not equal rights in Europe, even in a European Union member states, which have to respect rights of any minority. In a case of Germany society sooner tend to accept LGBT people than this was reflected in a law system. It is interesting, that Poland has been decriminalizing homosexual activity in 1932, but this does not changed social atitudes, even now in this country LGBT sa socially excluded in many ways. Situation in post-Soviet states in even worse – in both Ukraine and Russia societies permits LGBT’s persons exclusion from the social and political sphere.

The position of the European Union towards artificial intelligence in medicine. Analysis and implications of the ‘Regulations of the European Parliament and of the Council laying down harmonized rules on artificial intelligence’

In the face of a technological revolution driven by advances in the field of Artificial Intelligence (AI), the following work aims to explore the expected implications and consequences based on the Regulation of the European Parliamen and Councilt: Artificial Intelligence Act, with a particular focus on the medical sector. The above mentioned act, which is a response to the dynamic social and technological changes, is a groundbreaking initiative of the European Union aimed at ensuring the safe, ethical and responsible use of AI. In the healthcare sector, where AI has the potential to fundamentally transform diagnosis, therapy and healthcare management, this regulation plays a key role in defining the future of data-driven medicine. Our work examines the impact of this legal act regarding safety, transparency and the protection of civil rights in the medical sector. We draw attention to the fundamental challenges and threats related to the integration of AI in medicine, including issues of ethics, security and data protection. Our work highlights that the future of AI in the healthcare sector should be shaped not only by technological progress, but also by a strong commitment to ethics, responsibility and respect for human rights.

Functions of the President of the Republic of Poland in Connection with Poland’s Membership in the European Union

The article aims to analyze the functions of the President of the Republic of Poland in connection with Poland’s membership in the EU. The discussed issues are important due to the dynamic nature of this process and the federalist tendencies in the EU. They cause that the issues of compliance of the deepening of the European integration process with the constitution and issues related to the increasingly significant scope of the integration process in the context of the sovereignty of nation states become particularly important. Therefore, the role of the President of the Republic of Poland in this process, as the guardian of the constitution and state sovereignty, requires analysis. The Republic of Poland’s membership in the European Union makes it necessary to take a new look not only at the system of government but also at the tasks of the executive branch.

The subject of research presented in the article is the system of government in Poland. The considerations concern the relationship between the normative solutions defined in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 and the influence of the EU on the modification of political solutions in Poland. It was hypothesized that after Poland’s accession to the EU, the system of government in Poland changed in terms of political practice. It has been shown that functioning in the EU resulted in a departure from the characteristic rationalization of the system of government and brought it closer to the parliamentary model. The research was based on the following methods: institutional-law, systemic and comparative.

EU trade agreements with Indo-Pacific partners in the light of the provisions of the EU strategy for cooperation in the region

The article contains considerations on the regional trade agreements (RTAs) negotiated and concluded by the EU with its Indo-Pacific partners. The agreements were characterized in the context of the provisions of the strategy adopted in 2021 for this region, the aim of which is to increase the EU’s involvement in the Indo-Pacific, also by strengthening and deepening trade relations through RTAs. The analysis presented in the study showed that, in view of the huge potential and growing importance of this area in the global economy, these relations are of key importance for the EU’s economic interests, and the trade agreements negotiated, concluded and enforced constitute an important tool for implementing the Indo-Pacific strategy and pave the way towards strengthening the position of the EU there.

The Scope of Competences of the President of the Republic of Poland in Matters Related to Poland’s Membership in the European Union

The amendment to the so-called the Cooperation Act granted the President a number of powers related to Poland’s membership in the European Union. In particular, the President was given the opportunity to give binding opinions on candidacies for key positions in the European Union submitted by the Council of Ministers. The article analyzes the provisions of the Constitution regarding the powers of the President and the Council of Ministers in the field of foreign affairs. An attempt was made to answer the question whether the amending act only clarified the provisions of the Constitution regarding the President’s prerogatives or whether it granted him new powers going beyond powers of the head of state, specified in the provisions of the Constitution.

In recent years, the United Kingdom has seen a growing doctrinal discourse around competing models of legal and political constitutionalism. The situation has been exacerbated by ongoing changes in both theory and practice, which have engendered a strong conviction that the UK is now departing from the political constitutionalism associated with the traditional model of parliamentary sovereignty, in which Parliament’s legislative power is unlimited by law and the courts have no right to question the validity of laws on substantive grounds. From a theoretical point of view, legal constitutionalists contributed to provoking this change while desiring to continue to promote it by moving almost completely and exclusively towards legal constitutionalism, thus supplanting its political formula. From a practical point of view, however, one should bear in mind that the events that led to a specific change in thinking about British constitutionalism encompass, in particular, the legal consequences resulting from the UK’s membership in the European Union, including the phenomenon of the so-called judicial activism. Nevertheless, these events were also induced by the expansion and strengthening of judicial review of administrative actions, judicial shaping of the principle of legality, as well as by the enactment and application of the Human Rights Act 1998.

The central claim of the paper is that the European Union, understood through the concept of Normative Power Europe, is a sui generis global actor that will not be successful in achieving its international goals unless it upholds its foundational values at home. Internal disputes among Member States over fundamental and core values weaken the organisation’s international standing, which may lead to the risk of the European Union losing its comparative strength that differentiates it from other global powers and that gives it a unique place in international politics. This is particularly important in the times of constant change in global politics and new security, political and economic challenges, such as the role of China, democratic backsliding in the Global South countries and the Russian aggression against Ukraine. All these call for a strong and effective European Union, which, we argue, will not be possible, unless the organisation is able to keep internal disputes at check by ensuring compliance with the values it is based on. Based the case study of Poland, the paper demonstrates that it may be difficult, if not impossible, for the European Union to effectively uphold the respect for its fundamental norms, principles and standards among its members. This in turn will impede the Normative Power Europe status.

The European Union’s development cooperation policy has evolved significantly since its inception in the Treaty of Rome (1957). The main aim of the study is to find the objectives of the EU to reduce disparities between the Global North and the Global South. Despite several policy attempts to bridge the developmental gaps in the Global South, the North-South divide remains a significant challenge. This article analyses how the EU has been actively working to address the disparities between the Global North-South through its development policy. Qualitative empirical analysis involves the interpretation of the EU reports, press briefs, and strategy papers and analysing them to understand concepts, perspectives, and experiences from both primary and secondary sources, as well as Global South responses. The analysis underscores the EU’s dual role as a promoter of international development and a strategic actor balancing political, economic, and security interests.