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Punktacja czasopism naukowych Wydawnictwa Adam Marszałek według wykazu czasopism naukowych i recenzowanych materiałów z konferencji międzynarodowych, ogłoszonego przez Ministra Edukacji i Nauki 17 lipca 2023 r.

Scoring of scientific journals of Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek according to the list of scientific journals and reviewed materials from international conferences, announced by the Minister of Education and Science on July 17, 2023.


  • Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne – 100 pts
  • Edukacja Międzykulturowa – 100 pts
  • Historia Slavorum Occidentis – 100 pts
  • Polish Political Science Yearbook – 100 pts
  • Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego – 100 pts
  • The New Educational Review – 100 pts
  • Art of the Orient – 70 pts
  • Italica Wratislaviensia – 70 pts
  • Nowa Polityka Wschodnia – 70 pts
  • Polish Biographical Studies – 70 pts
  • Azja-Pacyfik - 40 pts
  • Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie – 40 pts
  • Kultura i Edukacja – 40 pts
  • Reality of Politics - 40 pts
  • Studia Orientalne – 40 pts
  • Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej – 40 pts
  • Annales Collegii Nobilium Opolienses – 20 pts
  • Cywilizacja i Polityka – 20 pts
  • Defence Science Review - 20 pts
  • Pomiędzy. Polsko-Ukraińskie Studia Interdyscyplinarne – 20 pts
  • African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus Political and Legal Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. Czasy Nowożytne i Współczesne - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. De Musica - 0 pts
  • Viae Educationis. Studies of Education and Didactics - 0 pts

Czasopisma

Nowe czasopisma

Czasopisma współwydawane

Wcześniej wydawane

Coloquia Communia

Coloquia Communia

Paedagogia Christiana

Paedagogia Christiana

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Peculiarity of Man

The Peculiarity of Man

Czasopisma Marszalek.com.pl

Relacje białorusko-unijne w latach 2011–2013: od eskalacji konfliktu do polityki krytycznego zaangażowania

  • Author: Arkadiusz Czwołek
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
  • Year of publication: 2017
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 151–175
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.54.08
  • PDF: apsp/54/apsp5408.pdf

Po wyborach prezydenckich w 2010 r. na Białorusi relacje białorusko-unijne weszły w fazę ostrego konfliktu politycznego. UE przyjęła sankcje wizowe i gospodarcze wobec Białorusi. UE zawiesiła również udział Białorusi w programie Partnerstwa Wschodniego. Do eskalacji konfliktu doszło na początku 2012 r., gdy ambasadorowie UE wyjechali z Białorusi. W kolejnych miesiącach UE przeszła do polityki krytycznego zaangażowania wobec Białorusi, która przejawiała się utrzymywaniem kontaktów z reżimem na poziomie technicznym. W drugiej połowie 2013 r. nastąpiła niewielka poprawa obustronnych relacji. Szczyt Partnerstwa Wschodniego w 2013 r. nie przyniósł wyraźnego przełomu na linii Bruksela–Mińsk.

Too Much or Too Little Integration? EU and ASEAN Responses to the 2015 Migration Crisis: A Comparative Analysis

  • Author: Katarzyna Marzęda-Młynarska
  • Institution: Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin
  • Year of publication: 2019
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 24-44
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.64.02
  • PDF: apsp/64/apsp6402.pdf

The study analyzes the responses of the European Union (EU) and the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to the 2015 migration crisis and answers two questions: first, why did those two regional organizations prove ineffective in dealing with 2015 migration crisis? Second, why despite different legal, institutional and functional frameworks for cooperation in the migration field, the process by which both organizations made their decisions was very similar? The analysis of the EU and ASEAN migration governance frameworks shows neither too much integration (EU) nor too little (ASEAN) favor regional migration crisis solving.

The Proposal to Create the European Union Mechanism to Monitor Democracy, the Rule of Law and Fundamental Rights, and the Council of Europe Reaction

  • Author: Kamil Spryszak
  • Institution: Jan Kochanowski University in Kielce
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3318-3742
  • Year of publication: 2020
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 475-486
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.38
  • PDF: ppk/58/ppk5838.pdf

The rule of law is one of the founding values of the EU, as indicated in Art. 2 TEU. This provision recognizes that the rule of law is a core value, inherent to liberal democracy, and one which characterized the Union and its Member States. Taking into account this context, as well as the deficiencies of the EU mechanism to enforce the rule of law within the Member States, European Parliament called on the Commission to establish a new tool to address rule of law backsliding in Member States. In October 2016, Parliament addressed recommendations to the Commission on the establishment of EU mechanism on democracy, the rule of law, and fundamental rights (EU pact for DRF) in the form of an international agreement. The new mechanism should integrate and complement the existing mechanism, should be evidence-based, objective, addressing the Member States and EU. The author analyzes this initiative and tries to answer why it was not fully realized. Additionally, he presents a reaction to that initiative of the Council of Europe. There is no doubt, that realization of the EU Pact for DRF would inf luence the Council of Europe and weaken its role as a main European mechanism in the area of protection of democracy, rule of law, and human rights.

The Effects of Crises in the European Union as a Manifestation of the Militant Democracy Rule Implementation

  • Author: Kamila Rezmer-Płotka
  • Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1458-5076
  • Year of publication: 2020
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 615-621
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.50
  • PDF: ppk/58/ppk5850.pdf

In the history of the European Union, there are three main crises: financial crisis, the so-called refugee crisis, and the recent coronavirus pandemic. Since the financial crisis, the process of modern democracies taking over the characteristics of non-democratic regimes has become noticeable, and subsequent crises are only exacerbating it. A useful theoretical category for explaining this phenomenon is the category of militant democracy, which was first used by Karl Loewenstein, who applied it to the Weimar Republic. The article aims to present in general how successive crises have contributed to accelerating the militant process by the EU Member States.

Retrospekcja wzajemnych stosunków gospodarczych UE i Rosji Czynniki integrujące i dezintegrujące Unię

  • Author: Ewelina Szydłowska
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8108-4688
  • Year of publication: 2018
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 55-71
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201803
  • PDF: siip/17/siip1703.pdf

A retrospective of bilateral economic relations between EU and Russia

The European Union and Russia are different in economic terms. In opposite to traditional Russia, the EU is a new type of international community. Both sides are both partners and rivals aware of their addiction. The rivalries result from the collision defending Russia’s sphere of influence and the aspirations of the enlarging Union. The Union’s goal is to develop not only through deepening cooperation, but also by admitting new members to the community. The Russian Federation in the development of the EU sees a threat to its superpower position, and this is also the result of actions aimed at inducing disintegration in the EU, because the divided Europe is a weak Europe.

Polskie i ukraińskie koncepcje bezpieczeństwa i współpracy w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej w XXI w.

  • Author: Andrzej Wojtaszak
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Szczeciński
  • Year of publication: 2022
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 63-78
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.74.04
  • PDF: apsp/74/apsp7404.pdf

Polish and Ukrainian concepts of security and cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe in the 21st century

Central and Eastern Europe is a region located in the context of geopolitical reorganization of the world’s wetlands. The first ideas of creating a security system in this part of the continent arose after the First World War. Among them were the Polish concept of “Międzymorze” (Intermarium, aka “ABC Seas”) and the Ukrainian idea of the Baltic-Black Sea Union. The concept of security and cooperation in the region was reintroduced with the Russian Federation’s accession to the achievement of the influence index from the USSR district. There were also problems in Polish-Ukrainian relations, differences in security strategies, the delineation of the strategic partnership and the formation of the Strategic Culture of the Territories. Countries in the region have announced a number of initiatives to improve regional security (TSI, B9, L3, or Trójkąt Karpacki). The members of the mentioned concepts should be among the geopolitical figures, the position of NATO and the EU and contestations on the part of Russia.

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