Od 1979 roku reżim irański jest w zasadniczym konfl ikcie ze światem Zachodu, a szczególnie z USA i Wielką Brytanią oraz Izraelem. W tak długim okresie dochodziło do okresowych zmian, z którymi administracja USA wiązała pewne nadzieje. Niemniej jednak, mimo chwilowych okresów pozornej odwilży w stosunkach dwustronnych, za każdym razem następował powrót do tradycyjnej wrogości między Islamską Republiką Iranu a USA. Jednocześnie społeczeństwo irańskie jest narażone na nieustanne represje ze strony władz. Zachodzi więc zasadnicze pytanie, w jaki sposób i czy w ogóle Zachód, a przede wszystkim USA jako mocarstwo globalne, o największym potencjale militarno-operacyjnym pozwalającym na oddziaływanie w każdym rejonie świata, powinny reagować na sytuację i wydarzenia w Iranie.
Celem artykułu jest poddanie analizie charakteru oraz sposobów działania najważniejszych irańskich grup opozycyjnych, a także ich znaczenia dla programu politycznego USA zawartego w tzw. doktrynie Obamy (2009). Analiza najważniejszych grup opozycyjnych pozwoli na określenie stopnia możliwej ich współpracy z USA, jak i ich potencjału do sprawowania władzy w Iranie w sposób jak najbardziej demokratyczny.

The end of special relationships between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia?

The Saudi special relationships with the U.S., unlike that of the U.S. with Israel, are mutually beneficial. Saudi Arabia sells about 10 million barrels of oil a day and all those transactions are denominated in American dollars, which helps that currency to perform the role of the currency of account (world, s currency) and has been of crucial help to the American ambition to dominate the global economy. On the other hand the United States did its part to uphold the relationship be granting the security to Saudi Arabia and other Gulf oil states. This was demonstrated for example in 1990 during Iraqi attack on Kuwait, that also menaced Saudi Arabia. At that time the U.S. deployed 400,000 troops in Saudi Arabia and expelled Iraqi troops from Kuwait. The priority of American foreign policy in that region has been to keep Gulf oil in friendly hands. Since the increase of the production of shale oil in the United States that priority has been less important. Another factor which has exerted an influence on the nature of the U.S.-Saudi relationship was the signing the permanent agreement with Iran in July 2015 on the limitation of the Iranian nuclear program and normalization of political-economic relations with the West. This has led to further worsening of the U.S.-Saudi Arabia alliance which has always been like a ”marriage of convenience” where behind the façade of friendship and harmony there is cold calculation of benefi ts and losses. That alliance will last as long as the potential benefi ts will still be bigger than possible losses.

This article reviews the academic literature on the regional security complex of the South Caucasus, which has been drawing the attention of the academic community for a long time. The paper aims to examine the security dynamics in the South Caucasus with a focus on Azerbaijan and a way in which domestic security is interconnected and linked to the region`s neighborhood and global arena. The conceptual framework for the paper is the regional security complex theory, elaborated by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver. South Caucasus is an unstable region with several secessionist conflicts and interstate wars, exposed to the influence of its neighbors, which shape the regional security environment. Besides, the region is riven by geopolitical fractures as regional states have various foreign policy orientations, which hampers the resolution of regional conflicts and complicates cooperation. The research is carried at three levels of analysis - the domestic level, reviewing internal vulnerabilities and state to state relations, interregional level, examining dynamics between regional and neighboring states, and the last level - global, considering the interplay between regional and the world-leading powers. Correspondingly, sections of the paper study internal challenges and threats of the regional states, examine relations between Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, and their neighborhood - Turkey, Iran, Russia, as well as global powers - the EU and the US to analyze similar and conflicting interests and patterns of influence. The article concludes that the South Caucasus security environment is unstable, hampered by the failure of democratic transformation and unresolved conflicts, namely Nagorno-Karabakh, which Russia uses as a tool to keep Caucasian states in a sphere of its influence. It is evident that Azerbaijan plays a vital role in the production and transit of hydrocarbons from the Caspian region to Europe. Therefore, it is crucial to eliminate threats coming from the region and to ensure the security of energy infrastructure, carrying energy resources westwards.

Recent years the growing confrontation between the Russian Federation, the United States, and the EU is accompanied by Moscow’s searching the alternative allies for its diplomatic support. Iran is called one of such allies today. The Russian-Iranian relations are interesting both in terms of sectoral and geographical fields. The region of Central Asia is of particular importance. The need to consider such aspects is explained by the strengthening of Iran’s position in Central Asia as a direct zone of Russian interests in a sense of its economic, cultural, and religious presence.

Iran’s Nuclear Potential and Its Political Implications for the Middle-East

Among many threats of the contemporary world, nuclear weapons should certainly be mentioned. While governments are aware of the disastrous consequences of their use, efforts are still being made to develop nuclear potential. The US withdrawal from the nuclear agreement has prompted Iran to step up its research and development efforts and increase its stockpile of nuclear fuel. To consider possible political consequences of Iran’s expansion of nuclear arsenal, the most significant developments in Iranian history relating to nuclear weapons have been followed. The article focuses solely on the most significant possible political consequences. Conclusion: two extreme scenarios seem most likely: nuclear weapons would provide stability and peace in the region and provide a counterbalance to the US and the negotiating field. A psychological and rational mechanism of the MAD concept would work, or on the contrary, the US concerns about Iran’s dominance in the region and pressure on others to buy weapons would realize.

Following official announcement of oil embargo on Iran by the EU, official positions of Islamic Republic were introduced by political and military authorities based on “blocking Hormuz Strait under certain circumstances”; an issue of great concern in western officials. They warned about their military capabilities in the field of reopening Strait and maintaining security of energy transit lines in the Strait of Hormuz. They questioned the West military methods against Iranian military officials reopening the Strait of Hormuz.This study seeks to answer this question that “what are Iranian military capabilities to block Hormuz Strait?”, “If the Strait is blocked, when western military forces can reopen it?” “Iranian military capabilities which can be called ‘five pillars of military strategy’ based on cruise and ballistic anti-ship missiles, small speedboats, drones, small submarines, nautical mines and standoff missiles supported by air defense and electronic warfare (Jangal), allows Islamic Republic to block Hormuz strait in long term. However, previous to any military conflict with trans-regional forces, the main Iranian weapon is nautical mines to block Hormuz Strait”.

Israel and Azerbaijan in the 21st century – sincere cooperation or a marriage of convenience? Outline of the issues

Relations between Israel and Azerbaijan were established in 1991. Israel is now one of Azerbaijan’s key partners. Despite the difficult geopolitical situation of both countries, they are developing cooperation in the field of trade, military, technical and political matters. In view of the developing relations between Azerbaijan and Israel, both countries benefit from mutual economic benefits and have also become strategic partners. The alliance with Azerbaijan gives Israel the opportunity to improve relations with Turkey and counterbalance Iran’s influence in the region. Azerbaijan, on the other hand, is developing rapidly as a result of cooperation with Israel and is becoming a key player in the South Caucasus region.

“I am Darius, the Great King, King of Kings, Achaemenid”. The Legitimacy of Power During the Achaemenid Period

The article’s subject is the legitimation of the power of the Achaemenid kings, shown on the basis of preserved inscriptions from the era. These inscriptions have been repeatedly analysed in terms of linguistic and cultural studies. According to the author, they can also be helpful for the political science. For the purposes of this paper, legitimation is understood as processes leading to legitimacy, i.e., recognising a political system as proper and valid. The author distinguishes motifs used by the Achaemenids for this purpose. These are: the divine origin of power, references to tradition, the special attributes of the ruler, and the depreciation of political opponents. Among the Achaemenid inscriptions, there is almost always an invocation to the deity – Ahuramazda. This God is shown as the divine legislator and the creator of the material world and mankind. This element is extremely important in the context of the legitimacy of power, as it suggests the origin of royal power from the supreme, divine authority. The deity guides the Persian rulers, supports them in their battles and guarantees their reign. Divine origin makes the power held by the king a sacred gift. The reign and development of the empire thus become the fulfilment of God’s plan. Additionally, Ahuramazda is the creator of the cosmic order arta. Therefore, the ruler allied with him has the mandate to establish order on Earth. Along with the religious sanction of self-legitimisation of power, comes the demonisation of Achaemenid opponents. According to Max Weber, one of the types of legitimising power is “traditional rule” based on referring to the eternal orders. This type of legitimation is discernible in Old Persian inscriptions. In addition to religious and traditional sanction, rulers also made use of other measures to show that they were worthy of the throne. King Darius I has repeatedly indicated his fighting skills and integrity. In other inscriptions, one can find references to Persian beliefs, including the hatred of lies, described by Herodotus.

Hijab Means Choice? The Importance of Women’s Dress in the Islamic Republic of Iran

The debate about the planned Islamic costumes of the countries of the Middle Empire, particularly Iran, have been going on for several decades. A Muslim state, a woman’s visit outfit (in Iran, the hijab) presents itself as a symbol of the religious identity of the state, and from the state’s perspective. Besides, Islamic women wear burqa, chak, niqab, or hijab, which are synonymous with something else. It is a serious mistake because each of the Islamic women’s outfits listed has unique characteristics.

Economic relations between the European Union and Iran versus sanctions and energy security

The article provides an analysis economical and political relationship between Islamic Republic of Iran and European Union and its members countries, particularly Greece, Italy and Spain in the context of politics of energy safety. Prior to the adoption of heavy economic sanctions the EU led a double track politics towards Iran: “carrot and stick method”. The main thesis is that sanction on Iran hurts more this country then EU but in some cases: Greece, Italy, Spain could have problems with new energy partners. Iran before sanctions was one of the main European suppliers of oil and natural gas but not for all EU, only for few countries. There are lists of main exporters and importers Iranians oil and natural gas in EU and the world. Additionally a list of EU sanctions on Iran has been attached. Additionally article presents roots of piece of Middle Eastern enemy history relationships between Great Britain, USA and Iran.

Middle East countries towards Russian aggression against Ukraine in 2022. The position of Israel, Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran

The Middle East is particularly vulnerable to armed conflicts and other acts of aggression due to its ethnic, religious and cultural diversity. The war in Ukraine poses a political and economic challenge to the Middle East states, as follows from various diplomatic relations between them and the Russian Federation and Ukraine. After February 24, 2022, the leaders and governments of the Middle East countries issued a series of statements in which they tried to express their position on the declaration of independence of the separatist Lugansk and Donetsk People’s Republics and the invasion of Ukraine. Among the countries of the Middle East that have expressed their position on the armed conflict in Ukraine, it is particularly worth paying attention to Israel, Saudi Arabia and Iran. These three states constitute the largest political, economic and military forces in the region and a different approach to relations with the Russian Federation as the main factor shaping their position on the armed conflict in Europe

Eurasian Late Antiquity or the Silk Roads? Political, Cultural, and Economic Conceptual Constructs in the Study of Oriental History and Culture

In contemporary historiography, there is a growing interest in interactions between nomadic peoples and the empires of sedentary peoples in antiquity, with particular emphasis on late antiquity. Differences in the perception of nomadic communities’ impact on the economy cause a conceptual confusion. It is largely due to differences in the perception of the influence that nomadic communities had in shaping the functioning of trade routes leading from one part of Eurasia to another. This article organises and indicates the origin of concepts, such as the Silk Road, the cultural complex of central Eurasia, the first story, and Eurasian Late Antiquity from specific researchers. At the same time, the author compares and presents perceiving trade routes and the influence of nomads on sedentary peoples in two opposing concepts: a metanarrative of the nomad history as the main catalyst for the continent’s economic development and presenting the history of the Silk Road and nomads as part of the multi-vector interaction of various communities in Eurasia during the late antiquity, at the same time indicating a certain advantage of the latter.