The main causes of leave behind their home for unaccompanied minors are fear of persecution, human rights violations, armed conflicts and civil unrest, sexual exploitation, domestic violence, abuse, severe deprivation, gender-based discrimination, forced military service, search for new opportunities, the intention of joining the family already staying in Europe. The main aim of the study is to give a short present of the asylum procedure the minors are passing through. Summarizes the barriers to access to asylum procedures, the role of the guardian, the legal, medical and social assistance system for asylum seeker minors and the possible outcomes of the procedure and opportunities of appeal.

Children’s Books in Italy Today

The revolution started by Gianni Rodari (1920–1980) led Italian children’s literature to new significant aims: outstanding picture books, a great starting point for more challenging readings, refined writers, and educational and formative series.

Is Children’s Literature in Italy Still the “Cinderella” of the Literary Market? An Analysis of LibeRWEB ’s Reports

This paper analyses the publishing trends of children’s literature in Italy on the basis of the annual reports issued by LiBeRWEB. The analysis, which focuses on the book publishing market, starts by introducing the main Italian publishing houses, in whose hands the publication of children’s books is concentrated. The paper will also talk about independent micropublishing by introducing the most active publishing houses, which are specialised in specific areas, such as gender studies. The publishing market will be progressively investigated by analysing several data, which suggest that literature for children and young adults is the driving segment of the Italian book publishing market. Indeed, despite the economic crisis, this is the only segment that has had positive results in the last years. In particular, the data examine several elements, which will allow us to understand such a phenomenon. If in the last years the so-called “high literature” has lost many percentage points (-7.6% in 2009), the “Cinderella of literature” has, instead, obtained positive results (+4%), maintaining constant production levels. Despite the use of percentages, the analysis takes into consideration other elements, like the quality of works, whose criteria are difficult to establish. The data show a positive change: if up to 2006 the number of novels of mediocre quality was high, probably do to a consumer trend of the market, from 2007 onwards, the situation progressively improves. Finally, the article briefly discusses the data of the digital market by analysing the role of audiobooks and e-books in the Italian market of children’s literature.

The Translations of James Joyce’s The Cat and the Devil in Italy

This article sets out to explore the dynamics through which Joyce’s version of the legend of the “devil’s bridge”, narrated in a letter addressed to his grandson, Stevie, entered the world of children’s literature in Italy. This occurred just after the legend’s publication in the USA and the UK under the title The Cat and the Devil. It was immediately turned into a picturebook, a sophisticated literary product aimed at very young readers. In fact, far from being a mere text for toddlers, the Italian Il gatto e il diavolo is at the centre of several intersemiotic and interlinguistic translations that enhance the interpretative potential and richness of Joyce’s narration, already at the crossroads between folkloric and modernist translation. The comparative analysis of three different Italian translations of the story expressly addressed to children (the first by Enzo Siciliano, published by Emme Edizioni in 1967; the second by Giulio Lughi for Edizioni EL in 1980; and the third and more recent one by Ottavio Fatica for ESG in 2010) has highlighted that the differences between them can be ascribed to distinct translation projects, aimed at building bridges between young readers and Joyce’s work in various periods of the history of the Italian literary market for children.

Polityczna odpowiedzialność ministrów w Grecji i we Włoszech

The paper briefly reviews what is encompassed in the term ministerial responsibility in Italian and Hellenic constitutional system. In this respect, the paper seeks to define the key concept of political ministerial responsibility, and also the distinction between collective and individual ministerial responsibility in the frame of the Hellenic and Italian parliamentary system. It then presents an overview of the substantive and procedural rules on such responsibility found in the Constitution of Greece, Constitution of Italy, Hellenic Parliament’s Standing Orders, Italian Parliament’s Order. This is followed by an assessment of basic concerns related to the actual application of the institution of ministerial responsibility. In conclusion, the paper presents some normative reflections on the issue.

Through a qualitative research carried out in South-East Italy with twelve Unaccompanied and Separated Children (UASC) this paper attempts to explore their relation with the Internet and digital media. Findings reveal that digital tools facilitate communication and socialization and allow UASC to maintain relationships with social networks in their countries of origin as well as expand their networks in the country of residence within the migrant community. Digital media enhance access to information and leisure activities. Even if UASC recognize some risks of being online similar to those European adolescents face, it emerges that overall the Internet and digital media contribute to their wellbeing. They have the power to boost resilience vis-à-vis the challenges UASC face in their lives: being alone, in a new country, often institutionalized and without the support of a trustworthy adult figure.

WANDERING TOWARDS JERZY GROTOWSKI: WROCŁAW

At the beginning of 1965 Jerzy Grotowski and The Theatre of 13 Rows were forced to transfer their headquarters from Wrocław to Opole. One of the most difficult periods in the history of the company coincided with the resounding success of The Constant Prince, based on Julius Slowacki’s translation of Calderon’s play. In under two years this production brought him fame and a reputation as one of the most important artists of the contemporary theatre. Until the introduction of martial law in Poland in December 1981 and the exile of Grotowski first to the United States, then to Italy, Wrocław became a witness to the most important artistic works of Grotowski and the profound changes in his artistic practice: from the theatre, through the paratheatre, to his activities in the Theatre of Sources.

TODAY’S POLISH JOURNEYS TO ITALY - BETWEEN A PILGRIMAGE AND DECONSTRUCTION OF A MYTH

The article takes as its starting point Pavel Muratov’s book Images of Italy, considered a fundamental text for Polish accounts of travels to Italy in the 20th century. For the generation of Iwaszkiewicz and Herbert, a journey to Italy meant a true pilgrimage to “sacred places of culture”, accompanied by a strong sense of cultural inferiority. The next generation of Wojciech Karpiński and Ewa Bieńkowska treats the experience of a journey as a return to a common home, to the Italian that is European tradition marked with the great names of its predecessors. The youngest authors, Marek Zagańczyk and Adam Szczuciński, continue this tradition that may be called aesthetical, which is on the other hand contested by Dariusz Czaja, exploring another Italy little known to travellers - Calabria and, Basilicata - and opposing the model of a journey viewed as a continuous reference to others’ texts.

After the Second World War, the Italian Republic adopted in its system the principles of regionalization and decentralization. This was largely due to the separatism of ethnic and regional groups within the territory of the country, and particularly concerned the islands of Sicily and Sardinia and border regions: The Aosta Valley, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Trentino-South Tyrol. Until the end of the 1960s, the latter was the site of a strong ethnic conflict between a group of German-speaking Tyroleans and a dominant Italian-speaking group. The situation of the Rhaeto-Romance (Ladin) group living in the Alpine valleys remained somewhat aside from their confrontation. The violence used by both sides led to a solution unique for the Republic. The transfer of a large part of the competences down from regional to provincial level led to a gradual calming of the situation. Today, the Tyroleans enjoy broad autonomy in the province of Bolzano, where they are a dominant group, and, at the same time, have a strong influence on the functioning of the entire region through statutory guarantees of their participation in the regional legislature and executive power. The rights of the Italian-speaking minority in South Tyrol are similarly and proportionally protected. The rights to preserve the language and culture of all three language groups are also widely protected by law. The purpose of this article is to examine the principle of protection of the Tyrolean minority’s rights as an example of the implementation of the principle of the protection of linguistic minorities’ rights, present in the Constitution of the Italian Republic.

Even though the province has been a territorial division unit since the unification of Italy, despite the passing of over 150 years it has not been able to obtain a clear institutional identity. Its existence has been repeatedly questioned with attempts of abolition followed by reactivation. The economic crisis of 2008 brought again into question the legitimacy and efficiency of the functioning of the province. The latter was about to be abolished by means of an unsuccessful constitutional reform, which was rejected in the constitutional referendum of December 4, 2016. Nevertheless, in 2014 Parliament adopted the so-called Delrio Act, which did not eliminate the province, but transformed it into the so-called wide territorial unit (enti territoriali di area vasta) together with the newly created metropolitan cities. In Sicily, the provinces were abolished and free consortia were created in their place, while in the Friuli-Venezia Giulia region inter-municipal territorial unions were formed. After the reforms carried out as a result of the economic crisis of 2008, the province became only one of many units of an intermediate level of the state structure and its actual significance was related to the policy of a particular region and assigned functions (regional rescaling). The weakening of the political position of the province is associated with its increasing dependence on the region, the elimination of the direct election of its organs, unpaid character of work in provincial bodies and the reduction of financial resources for existing competences.

Citizens’ Legislative Initiative in Italy – Legal Regulation and Practice

The Italian constitution of 1947 regulates two forms of direct democracy: people’s initiative and a referendum. According to its Art. 71 sec. 2, at least fifty thousand voters have the right to introduce legislation, a draft must be formulated in articles. Details of the procedure are laid down in Law 352/1970 “Norme sui referendum previsti in Costituzione e sull’iniziativa legislativa del popolo”. The signature collection procedure is complicated and requires the collection of many declarations and confirmations. A review of citizens’ bills submitted to the chambers of the Italian Parliament from 1996 to today shows that the number of these bills varies between twenty and thirty some in a term (several per year). Until 2020, there was no discernible trend in this respect, neither upward nor downward. A very small proportion of the citizens’ bills submitted becomes law. Therefore, it should be assessed that the right to submit citizenship bills is also treated – or perhaps even primarily – as a political tool, an instrument used to initiate discussions on socially and politically important topics.

Embedded in scholarship on militant democracy, this research aims to explain how Italian legislation was positioned to militant democratic measures and how this changed over time. Drawing on the qualitative source analysis and the explanatory frameworks of democratic vulnerability tests two competing theory-grounded assumptions. While the first one assumes that Italian democracy became vulnerable when traditional militant democracy instruments were outmoded, the second considers the misuse or abandonment of those means with social consent as the source of vulnerability. The crisis-induced socioeconomic inequality and uncertainty weakened the Italian political nation. As a result, the latter supported populists in return for a promise of political change. The anti-democratic legal means employed to extend power competencies and prevent the exchange of ruling parties were the way to and the costs of the expected political change. At the same time, the political nation became unable to self-organize to strengthen democracy self-defense. As a result, Italians co-produced a quasi-militant democracy that turned vulnerable because militant democracy measures were misused or not used with the consent of Italians that relinquished their political subjectivity in favor of the Northern League and the Five Star Movement.

This article is dedicated to the image of Padua in the diary of August Fryderyk Moszyński (1731-1786), a close collaborator of King Stanislas August Poniatowski, architect, director of royal buildings, and promoter of the Warsaw theatre. The diary, which covers a journey to France and Italy (1784-1786), has been partially published in the original French version (1930; 2010) and Polish translation (1970). The diary is remarkable for Polish 18th-century odeporic literature due to its critical approach, quasi-scientific character, and interest in contemporary developments. In this article, the author establishes the dates of Moszyński’s stay in Padua and then analyses elements such as the descriptions, impressions, and assessments of urban environments; buildings, pictures, people, and events; as well as cultural and scientific life. The portrait of Padua drawn by Moszyński is compared with that which emerges from other travelogues and texts presented to the Polish public at the time, in particular with the description of Italy that appeared in the Warsaw journal Pamiętnik historycznoPolityczny in 1787. The analysis of the travelogue passages relating to the two stays in Padua confirms the versatility of the traveller. The description of Padua by Moszyński is multifaceted, often ironic and personal. He wrote as an expert in architecture and urban spaces; a connoisseur of theatre; a builder of scientific instruments; an admirer of Renaissance artists; a lover of truth in art; and a sharp and critical observer. The last part of the article is dedicated to the circumstances of Moszyński’s death, which, contrary to what may be suggested by the diary, did not occur in Padua but in Venice (on 3 July 1786, at the famous Leon Bianco inn).

Italian Migration Policy

Italy, due to it is geographical location, is extremely exposed to migratory movements. Over the past few decades, the Republic has undergone a far-reaching transformation from sending to receiving country. A country in which a migration policy practically did not exist had to build it from scratch quite quickly, which was associated with many of its disadvantages, reformed over time. A breakthrough moment was the migration crisis initiated in 2011 and caused by the Arab Spring in North Africa. It was a real test not only for the Italian migration policy, but in retrospect also for the entire European Union, where, unfortunately, there was no enough solidarity.

Organized crime in Italy and its impact on organized crime in some European countries

This article presents some Italian criminal organizations that have expanded their activities outside Italy. The factors influencing the shaping of criminal groups are also presented and the history of selected groups of this type is described. The origins of the word mafia were made. Types of organized crime were presented. The directions of emigration of Italian groups were indicated.

The aim of the article is to analyze the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative on the integrity of the EU community. The research problem boils down to the following questions: Has this initiative contributed to increasing the influence of the PRC in Europe? How did the EU react to Chinese ideas? What was Italy’s reaction to Chinese proposals and declarations? The article uses the descriptive method and a case study. The first part of the article will focus on the analysis of the intensification of Chinese activity in Europe by demonstrating cases of buy-outs of Old Continet’s key companies by PRC enterprises. The Belt and Road initiative and Chinese projects will be then briefly described. Aiming to demonstrate the impact of the initiative “Belt and Road” on the EU was selected for detailed analysis of Italy due to the geographical location of the country, long-term cooperation within the framework of the European Union and the fact that Italy was the first member of the G7, who “joined” Initiative Belt and Road. In the last part, the author will try to determine whether China has influence on the process of disintegration of the EU.

State of Emergency in the Italian Republic During the Covid-19 Pandemic – Constitutional Aspects

The Covid-19 pandemic forced European Union member states to introduce modern European standards regarding human rights and the rule of law in an unprecedented crisis. In 2020 Italy was the first affected country in Europe. Italian authorities, forced to take new and more stringent measures to contain the virus’s expansion, have introduced a state of emergency that may last until 2022. From a constitutional law perspective, the coronavirus emphasizes the need to consider the Italian “emergency constitution”. The ongoing health crisis gives rise to some reflections on the lack of an articulated crisis framework in the Italian constitution and whether existing tools are adequate to face of contemporary threats. This article discusses the Italian Constitution and other laws in the country relating to the state of emergency during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Economic relations between the European Union and Iran versus sanctions and energy security

The article provides an analysis economical and political relationship between Islamic Republic of Iran and European Union and its members countries, particularly Greece, Italy and Spain in the context of politics of energy safety. Prior to the adoption of heavy economic sanctions the EU led a double track politics towards Iran: “carrot and stick method”. The main thesis is that sanction on Iran hurts more this country then EU but in some cases: Greece, Italy, Spain could have problems with new energy partners. Iran before sanctions was one of the main European suppliers of oil and natural gas but not for all EU, only for few countries. There are lists of main exporters and importers Iranians oil and natural gas in EU and the world. Additionally a list of EU sanctions on Iran has been attached. Additionally article presents roots of piece of Middle Eastern enemy history relationships between Great Britain, USA and Iran.

Mafia and politics – Antagonism or interdependence?

Many researchers of the history of Sicily and the current events on the Island claim that Sicily became enslaved by mafia. However, if one performs a deeper analysis of this land, he may draw a conclusion that Sicily was never free. Starting from the mythical Cyclops, there was no invader who would not be lured by legendary fertile and beautiful piece of land – a bridge between Europe and Africa. Organized crime in Sicily emerged as a resistance against the foreign presence on the island.

Presidential Re-election in the Political System of the Italian Republic. From Theory to Practice

The Constitution of the Italian Republic, in the section devoted to the head of state, does not refer anywhere to the issue of re-election or term limits. From the beginning of the Italian Republic, the debate on this issue was theoretical in nature, until 2013. Then, for the first time in history, a sitting president was elected for another term. The situation took place again in 2022. These events resulted in the transfer of the topic of re-election from a theoretical to a practical one, being perceived as a real tool in the hands of the electors. The aim of this work was to examine the issue of presidential re-election in the Italian political system. Legal and political analysis has shown that the presidential re-election, which for years was perceived in Italy as an undesirable solution, ultimately contributed twice to the stabilization of the Italian political system.