authoritarianism

  • Fundamentalism in the Light of Selected Psychological Concepts

    Author: Anna Zasuń
    E-mail: a.zasun@ajd.czest.pl
    Institution: University of Jan Długosz in Częstochowa (Poland)
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 257-271
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016020
    PDF: ppsy/45/ppsy2016020.pdf

    The aim of the article is to present the psychological roots of fundamentalism, which can be found in each type of the phenomenon, and also an attempt to show fundamentalism, as the configuration of certain personality traits. As the basis for such an interpretation of fundamentalism, serve the psychological approach, which relate to the personality, cognitive style, refer to the prejudices, as well as to the concept of authoritarian personality and its constitutive characteristics. Article raised the question of so–called “fundamentalist personality” on the basis of diversity of manifestations of this phenomenon and its correlation with the concepts of authoritarianism and dogmatism. Author also addresses psychological category of attitude, which is the starting point in the discussion of the phenomena, such as fundamentalism or nationalism. In the background of considerations is an attempt to organize knowledge on fundamentalism, taking into account the historical roots of the phenomenon, and also, as a complementary reflection, a legitimacy of identifying fundamentalism with terrorism. 

  • The post–Yalta Poland between totalitarianism and authoritarianism

    Author: Roman Bäcker
    Year of publication: 2003
    Source: Show
    Pages: 74-86
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2003006

  • Rytuały periodyczne jako narzędzie integracji systemu „pomajowego”

    Author: Marta Chechłowska-Lipińska
    Year of publication: 2013
    Source: Show
    Pages: 60-77
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ksm201305
    PDF: ksm/18/ksm201305.pdf

    After the May Coup Piłsudzki began the transformation of the political system in the direction of authoritarian solutions. Due to the lack of ideology, and also the need of public participation in political life, it was necessary to create mechanisms for the integration of the political system. The best tools for this purpose were periodic rituals – skillfully made by the ruling camp. They con­nect citizens between themselves and with government representatives . Analyzing the problems discussed in the pages of newspapers connected with sanacia, we can see the life cycles defining events in the Second Republic. These included name day of Jozef Pilsudski (19 March), Independence Day (November 11) and parliamentary elections. At that moments compeers of Piłsudski mobilized the whole society to work together, celebrate together, and seemingly involve in the public life of the country. Outside of these moments the system was free from political mobilization. The journalists analyzed the situation of Polish, mentioned merit and urged to be active.

    Although the headlines showed very solemn, glamour celebration of name day of Pilsudski and Independence Day, they were a unique event. Besides poems, memories, articles glorify Marshall and distinguished soldiers in the fight for independence, there was no opportunity for the active participation of citizens in the celebrations. Except these individuals who laid flowers and take part in the official ceremony in Warsaw, the people accompanied apathy and lack of commitment. The most exciting period of political life however were elections. In this period appeared many articles analyzing and criticizing politics and party’s activity in Poland. Otherwise the elections time political life was relatively calm, sometimes disturbed by occasional ventures.

  • Poglądy autorytarne a stosunek do demokracji polskich studentów

    Author: Radosław Marzęcki
    Institution: Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. KEN w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 130-147
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.55.07
    PDF: apsp/55/apsp5507.pdf

    W niniejszym artykule autor przedstawia problem kryzysu legitymizacyjnego współczesnej demokracji. Dane empiryczne wskazują, że obywatele wielu skonsolidowanych demokracji stają się dzisiaj coraz bardziej nieufni (cyniczni) wobec wartości, jaką jest demokratyczny system polityczny. Okazuje się, że problem ten dotyczy dzisiaj młodszych pokoleń obywateli. Autor próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytanie o to, jak młodzi ludzie (studenci) postrzegają i oceniają system polityczny w Polsce, także stara się przedstawić szerszy społeczny kontekst legitymizacji demokracji. Dlatego też analizuje związek pomiędzy preferowanym modelem władzy a poglądami na skali przekonań autorytarnych/demokratycznych.

  • Instytucjonalny, społeczny i polityczny wymiar pretorianizmu tureckiego

    Author: Maciej Herbut
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 20-34
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.46.02
    PDF: apsp/46/apsp4602.pdf

    INSTITUTIONAL, SOCIAL A ND POLITICAL ASPECTS OF TURKISH PRAETORIANISM

    The term ‘praetorianism’ refers to countries in which the armed forces influence the political system. The army, as an institution, can develop its political power in two ways: in a “direct” and “indirect” fashion. While in the first case the armed forces take control over state institutions, the second is more sublime and is restricted to the building of more concealed methods of influence, such as blackmail. Additionally, the army itself, as the officers are not engaged into politics, shows a high level of political cohesion and military professionalism. Turkey is an example of a country in which a professional army, after decades of acquiring political experience and under favourable conditions, was and still is able to efficiently exert backstage politics. On one side, TSK (Turkish Armed Forces) has developed constitutional and legal means of influencing the government, and on the other, the high public trust in the armed forces allows it to, if necessary, effectively blackmail or even supplant disobedient cabinets.

  • Signals of Adaptive Social Readiness as a Cornerstone and a Driving Force of Russian Authoritarianism

    Author: Iwona Massaka
    E-mail: violin@umk.pl
    Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1197-2046
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 9-22
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20192201
    PDF: npw/22/npw2201.pdf

    The aim of this article is to show the relationship between, the features (in cultural, sociological and political science terms) exhibited by contemporary Russian society and the political regime (in holistic terms by J. Linz), that existed in the Russian Federation (in the years 2007–2015). We assume that an evolution from stable contemporary Russian society to amalgams system combining elements of authoritarianism with dictatorship has taken place during this period. We point out the essential features that constitute the nature of Russian society and social behavior of political importance. Referring to the theory of “the state in society” by D. Migdal, We put the thesis that it is just the Russian way of thinking resulting in certain behavior, that causes the permanence of contemporary Russian society with a tendency to move on the line continuum toward totalitarianism. Proving that Russian society is not a civil society, but a state society, we determine the structure, the role and the modes of operation of Russian intra-system opposition.

  • Polish April Constitution of 1935 and Constitution of the Fifth Republic of France of 1958. Apparent Affinity

    Author: Kazimierz Michał Ujazdowski
    E-mail: kmujazdowski@wpia.uni.lodz.pl
    Institution: University of Lodz
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/000-0002-3156-1842
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 351-362
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.05.23
    PDF: ppk/51/ppk5123.pdf

    A large number of authors, both academics and novelists, contend that there is an affinity between the Polish April Constitution of 1935 and that of the Fifth Republic of France. In their view, such an affinity results from the dominant political position of the president, his powers and general consolidation of the executive power2. Another reason for such an assertion is a similar model of leadership adopted by Piłsudski and de Gaulle. Some authors even assert that “Polish Constitution was an inspiration for the constitutional thought of general de Gaulle”3. Special attention should be paid to the different axiology of the two constitutions, including rigidity of the April Constitution provisions, designed exclusively for the presidential system, and distrust of the Polish constitutional thought in direct democracy. Different leadership models adopted by Piłsudski and de Gaulle also contributed to the general disparities between Polish and French fundamental statutes discussed in this paper.

  • Conceptualizing the Theoretical Category of Neo-militant Democracy: The Case of Hungary

    Author: Joanna Rak
    E-mail: joanna.rak@amu.edu.pl
    Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0505-3684
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 61-70
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2020204
    PDF: ppsy/49-2/ppsy2020204.pdf

    The article aims to formulate a theoretical category of neo-militant democracy that applies to study the nature and dynamics of democratic regimes after the 2008 economic crisis. It conducts an empirical test to verify the analytical effectiveness of the redeveloped category. The test takes a form of the case study of the Hungarian political system. Apart from a verification-objective, the research aims to identify and account for the dynamics of the Hungarian regime in terms of the neo-militant democracy principle. The qualitative method of source analysis serves to collect data on the processes of becoming neo-militant democracy. The selection of sources is deliberate and oriented on finding information about the implementation of neo-militant democracy measures in Hungary (2008-2019). The technique of qualitative content analysis applies to identify the nature of these processes. The theoretical tool is the category of neo-militant democracy, which simultaneously undergoes the empirical test. The main argument is that the process of becoming neo-militant democracy took a traditional form since the Hungarian neo-militant democracy principle drew on the traditional means introduced by Loewenstein rather than innovations advanced by the current research

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