The South China Sea dispute: historical overview, discussion of problems of a political and legal nature with particular emphasis on elements of China’s foreign policy

The South China Sea is one of the key interests of Chinese foreign policy. The author of the provided article will analyse geopolitical factors, including estimation of the total value of the resources of the South China Sea, further providing the reader with information about international law regulations regarding the analysed matter, as well as presenting the current situation on the South China Sea. During the realisation of said plan, the author will try to prove the thesis that the South China Sea is of utmost importance to the Republic of China, the thesis that international law is unable to resolve disputes arising from said sea, as well as the thesis that Chinese presence is gradually increasing on the South China Sea. After proving all of the highlighted theses, the author will present the most probable political forecast, as well as opinions presented in literature regarding this matter.

Anhui is one of the leading knowledge-based regions of China, which relies on academic research innovation. This publication aims to present the factors that influence of plagiarism on Chinese students and also explores the common perceptions of students themselves on the idea and act of plagiarism in higher level education environments. The literature provided identifies two major facets of plagiarism, which are both internal and external factors. Qualitative evidence from students demonstrates that both internal and external factors encourage Chinese students to plagiarize during their studies due to the availability of the internet (ICT and Web), lack of teaching expertise, poor academic skills, pressure from family members and peer groups, and financial constraints. It was also found that personal pride played a significant role in catalyzing the decision to plagiarize. On the basis of the said literature and qualitative evidence, the authors provide relevant recommendations about overcoming the concerns of students regarding plagiarism at the university level.

The Ukrainian crisis of 2014 has been a popular theme of journal and media articles for obvious reasons. Its “Chinese”, or rather Sino-Russian dimension has been less so, though the Chinese reaction to the Ukrainian crisis and the implications of this reaction represent interesting political phenomenon. This article tries to fill this gap and uses the description of Russia and China policies during the crisis as a case study of Moscow and Beijing political behavior on the international scene in general. Its thesis is that the Ukrainian crisis represents a great case study of these behaviors. Moreover, this case is also a supplement to the general discussion in the field about the state of Russia-China contemporary political relations.

The One Belt One Road initiative and overall intensification of Polish-Chinese trade relations need to be reflected in the field of legal education. For this reason, the paper compares the legal education systems in Poland and China, as well as it presents the main goals of the One Belt One Road project, summarizing the mutual business environments and describing the main challenges associated with them. The Authors also attempt to outline potential directions to be followed in legal education in the context of potential benefits to be derived from the initiative and propose possible solutions to achieve this aim.

Uncertainty is the notion that can be a one-word description of the state of global affairs. Tensions in the world order architecture are symptoms of its ongoing transformation. The purpose of the article is to explore the reasons, manifestations and direction of this change. The prime assumption of the analysis is the regress of the West. NATO as a strategic bridge between two centers of the West – Europe and the United States – is subjected to scientific investigation to examine its possible role in reestablishment of the relative power of the West and regaining its defining capabilities in the world order in statu nascendi. The analysis is supplemented by two scenarios of possible trajectories of world order transformation.

Chinese and Western Comedy – an Introduction into Cross-Cultural Humour Research between Taiwan, China and the West

The use of humour, both proper and improper, can influence the outcomes of meetings and shape entire relationships. Hence, although often trivial in nature, humour can play a significant role in human lives and deserves to be taken seriously. The same is true when it comes to the analysis of humour across cultures. In today’s increasingly globalized world, where people from various cultures interact on an almost daily basis it is important to understand the other persons culture, including their sense of humour. Consequently, this article provides a basic overview of humour of the world’s two biggest and most prominent cultures: the English speaking West and the Sinitic world. There is no doubt Chinese and Western humour differ in history and contemporary structure, therefore this article presents the various forms of comedic expression found in both cultures, but also provides basic explanations as to the reasons behind these differences.

The importance of oil in the relations of the People’s Republic of China with the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council in the second decade of the 21st century

The development of the Chinese economy in recent years and the changing international situation has led to the People’s Republic of China increasingly seeking stable sources of energy that could feed its developing economy. The countries of the Middle East, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran, occupy a significant place in China’s energy security policy, but in the second decade of the 21st century, Beijing’s intensification of relations with Arab monarchies from the Gulf Cooperation Council can be observed. This article aims to show the role of energy security in Sino-Arab relations in the second decade of the 21st century and the importance of oil imports for the development of the economy of the People’s Republic of China.

China has been expanding its presence on the South China Sea, which causes tensions in the region. However, when different aspects of the situation are analysed, an open armed conflict seems hardly possible. Looking at China’s activity in this body of water, it appears the Chinese state strives to safeguard its interests, primarily the economic ones, nonetheless it should be emphasized that it pursues its superpower ambitions at the same time.

The principle of non-interference in another country internal affairs and its role in People’s Republic of China foreign policy

This essay is an attempt to elaborate the role of state sovereignty and the resulting principle of non-interference in the law and practice of international relations. Authors undertook an attempt to map out the course of the evolutionary process of changing the perception of these rules and the relationship between the concept of state sovereignty and the principle of non-interference in the light of the most important acts of international law. Authors found a need to answer the question about whether and when interference in another country policy is legally and actually permissible. Moreover the goal of the article is to describe and to explain the role of non-interference principle in China’s foreign policy after year 1949. In order to achieve the stated assumption, authors analyze its historical determinant (dated back to the mid of nineteenth century) and also following, after the end of World War II, process of seeking support in international law, in face of two imperialism, which were adversarial to each other. Authors also consider the reasons for China’s economic success in Africa in the context of the principle of non-interference, to finally move into the issue regarding the evolution of the sovereignty perception and non-interference policy among Chinese decision-makers.

The tradition of ‘sitting the month’ derived from China is still a practiced custom to have a postpartum month after childbirth. Traditional rules applicable in a postpartum period were to help women rejuvenate their bodies after childbirth, to restore the balance of the body and ensure its future health. Today’s intensive economic development of China along with the increase in Chinese people’s savings contributes to creating a special and sophisticated offer for affluent social groups. An example of such an offer are postnatal clinics designed for wealthy Chinese women who want to have their postnatal period in accordance with traditional practices. The objective of this article is to show the business aspects of Chinese contemporary postnatal clinics and attempt to answer the question on how modern postnatal clinics combine tradition with modernity to make life easier for mothers, and to what extent they are another idea for doing business. The article addresses the major factors of the demographic and economic environment, which may have an impact on the prosperity of society and on the development of the market of postnatal clinics in the region. It also presents the essence of traditional postpartum practices in China. Offers of services to mothers and their children from fortysix clinics from Taipei in Taiwan were also analysed. It turns out that postnatal clinics are a phenomenon that could occur only within the Asian community. It is a product, which is very well inscribed in the Asian mentality and cannot be transferred to any another, such as, for instance, to the European mentality. Its future is limited to the Asian markets, or, possibly, to countries which have a Chinese diaspora on their territory. Over time, along with the spread of this traditional practice with a modern twist, the number of postnatal clinics can grow, which can translate into lower prices, a worse quality and a narrower range of services offered.

Russia and China are terraforming the maritime environment as part of their warfare. In both cases the actions are illegal and the performance is offensive to its actual nature. In the case of China, the practice is construction of artificial islands in the South Chinese Sea and in the case of Russia it is about the infamous bridge built over the Kerch strait, Ukraine. Neither Russia nor China expects an armed conflict with the West in the near future. That is a reasonable assumption, which is weaponized at the political-strategically level. The attack of this weaponized situation is that the trust in the West. Primarily the EU (European Union) and NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization), is eroded for every day which these countries challenges the international system which the western democracies say that they present and defend. China and Russia offer their authoritarian systems as a replacement and there are a lot of pseudo-democratic or even out-right authoritarian regimes on the sideline watching this challenge unfold. The article highlights the difference for the NATO-countries in logic of practice when it comes to the political social field on one hand and the military political field on the other hand. The article uses material from a previously unpublished survey made on NATO-officers then attending courses at NATO Defense College (NDC).

Stosunki amerykańsko-chińskie w pierwszym roku prezydentury Donalda Trumpa były okresem gwałtownego przewartościowania polityki Waszyngtonu wobec Pekinu. Protekcjonistyczne hasło „America First” kontrastowało wyraźnie z próbą narzucania przez Chińską Republikę Ludową globalnej narracji otwartości gospodarczej, a wycofywanie się Stanów Zjednoczonych z porozumień wielostronnych zaczęły dyskontować władze Chin, wysuwając własne projekty multilateralne. W porównaniu z prezydenturą Baracka Obamy, postulującego „zwrot ku Azji” (pivot to Asia), pierwszych dwanaście miesięcy rządów jego następcy w Białym Domu charakteryzowała wyraźna zmiana priorytetów w polityce wobec Chin w oparciu o konfrontacyjną retorykę i rosnącą asertywność w kwestiach gospodarczych.

The article is focused on four problems in Japanese-Chinese relations in two first decades of the 21st century. These problems were not solved by the last three decades of the 20th century. They are following: the dispute about Senkaku (Diaoyu) Islands, the matter of the textbooks, the visits in the Yasukuni Shrine, the problem of Japanese- -Taiwanese relations. The author carries out the short analysis of their evolution and meaning for the present Japanese-Chinese relations.

Three boards: security, economy and the new unknown. The complicated relationship between China and Central and Eastern Europe

Two decades ago, when China economically entered Western Europe for the first time, two dominant narratives emerged. The first one claimed that China’s involvement constitutes a great development opportunity for European continent; the other one declared that it’s a serious security threat. Those two discourses on China remain dominant until now and the opportunity vs. threat dichotomy can now also be applied to Chinese’s policy towards Central and Eastern Europe. The answer for the dichotomy is both. China’s engagement means a great opportunity for development for Central and Eastern Europe. The success, however, is uncertain. It may never fulfill due to external factors and the drawbacks may overshadow the benefits.

Critical analysis of post-Cold War China-India relations in the perspective of structural realism

Our article is an attempt to answer the question of whether it is possible for two neighbouring countries, which aspire at the same time to the role of superpowers, to cooperate and have peaceful relations with each other. In order to answer this question, we intend to prove the thesis that the state of China-India relations, despite the appearance of good neighbourly relations, is defined by growing security problems. In order to do this, we intend to conduct a system-level analysis based on the current of structural realism in international relations using historical and comparative methods. The aim of this article is to critically analyze China-Indian relations in the post-Cold War period. At the same time, we intend to show that the thriving diplomatic relations between New Delhi and Pakistan are in fact a façade concealing poorly functioning economic relations and, above all, a number of security problems. The first chapter is a brief description of the theoretical framework of the article in the form of a realistic current in international relations and security research and an explanation of the applied concepts of power balance, security dilemma and bandwagoning. The second and third chapters are a brief description and analysis of political and economic relations after the Cold War. In chapter four, we identify the leading security issues in India-China relations. In summary, we try to answer the research question and confirm the thesis.

The Implications of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor for Pakistan-European Union Relations

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) holds the potential to transform Pakistan along with its turbulent regional environment. In the short run, the multiple networks of infrastructure that the project provides will eventually improve Pakistan-European Union (EU) trade. Moreover, while the CPEC is unlikely to bring an immediate strategic shift in the bilateral dialogue, which is particularly lacking in political dynamics, its long-run promises can help to foster such dynamics. The project, if successful, can help Pakistan to establish a peaceful domestic environment and subsequently promote the country’s fresh image to reverse its softpower losses in Europe and beyond. This paper investigates contemporary Pakistan-EU relations, which have so far attracted little attention from international relations scholars. It presents the bilateral dynamics in the context of the CPEC, which is an unprecedented investment by China in Pakistan. The paper concludes by shedding light on the differences between China’s and the EU’s strategies vis-à-vis Pakistan. Despite the fact that the study focuses on one particular South Asian state, it can serve as a case study for the comparative analysis of China’s and the EU’s presence in third countries, especially those that, like Pakistan, have joined the Belt and Road Initiative.

The China-US rivalry takes place on many areas. In this article, attention is focused primarily on the technological area that plays the largest role during the coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19). In addition, scientific and technical progress is crucial for maintaining an advantage over other countries. A useful concept for the analysis is the rivalry of the powers allows to answer the research question: what is the coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19), which is currently taking place in the world, potential to contribute to China’s predominance in the race of powers with the US? The study uses a qualitative analysis of available sources and focuses, among others, on the case of Wuhan, which became the focus of a pandemic. Modern technologies used in China, allowed to slow down the spread of the virus in a relatively short time. Result: Based on the analysis, it can be assumed that China has accelerated work on artificial intelligence, which may be one of the key factors for gaining a predominance over the US in the power rivalry.

Towards normalization? Relations between the Roman Catholic Church and China People’s Republic after 1949

The article is concerned with the relations between the Catholic Church and the government of the People’s Republic of China. It starts with a short summary of the history of Christianity in China. Then it focuses on the analysis of changes of policies toward China on the part of the Holy See and their reception from Chinese authorities. It points out that the Vatican government consequently is making efforts in order to normalize the situation of Catholics in China and that it is ready to for a deep compromise with the Chinese government if necessary. In that context, the agreement between the Holy See and the Chinese government, which was prolonged on the 22nd of October 2020, is more understandable.

Celem podjętych rozważań jest przedstawienie kulturowych uwarunkowań edukacji w Chinach w dobie globalizacji. Artykuł odpowiada na pytanie, czy w czasach globalnych przemian i swobodnego przepływu treści, znaczeń i rozwiązań oświatowych, edukacja w Chinach pozostaje wierna tradycji i wartościom lokalnym. Przedmiotem badań były system edukacyjny i rzeczywistość kulturowo-społeczna w okresie przemian. W treści artykułu wykorzystano badania zastane chińskich i zagranicznych autorów. Jako metodę badawczą wybrano analizę źródeł wtórnych, która pokazała, że mimo gwałtownych, globalnych zmian, chińska edukacja w swoich metodach i sposobach nauczania pozostaje wierna ideałom i założeniom chińskiej tożsamości, a dokonuje tego za pośrednictwem procesu kontekstualizacji.

Since 2015, the Social Credit System - an initiative of the government of the People’s Republic of China which aims to strengthen trustworthiness of the business entities and citizens, promote obedience to law and customs, and develop the Communist Party of China’s control over social trends and potential threats to the political stability - has been attracting worldwide attention. International media portrays the System as a mechanism which leads China to totalitarianism and destroys hope for development of the Chinese democratic movement. Therefore, interests of both sides, the West and China, are seen as contradictory. Harmful beliefs like the one that Chinese still export products of poor quality and on the Chinese side that the Western ideals lead to demoralization are common thanks to some sort of Occidental and Oriental propaganda. That is why it is necessary to compile and analyze the known facts regarding the Social Credit System, which in contrast to the media narration turns out to be a tool with interesting capabilities, not necessarily contradictory to the other major civilizations’ values.