This paper provides insights into the relationship between language and politically relevant aspects of culture in India and China which are as follows: attitude toward revolution and tradition, the domination of politics over religion or vice versa, and a concern for the liberty of the individual. The paper introduces a novel approach to the comparative study of civilizations by advancing the political-linguistic explanation. In so doing, it combines Hajime Nakamura’s hypothesis of the strict connection between language and culture (understood as a way of thinking) with Samuel P. Huntington’s emphasis on the impact of cultural differences on the political dimension of society – so that our explanatory model can be expressed as follows: language→culture→politics. As far as language is concerned, the focus is on the basic structure of Sanskrit and Chinese; besides, special attention is given to Indian and Chinese philosophies of language. Culturally, the most relevant schools of Hindu philosophy may be called “ultraconservative” since they tend to ground unchanging meaning firmly in metaphysics and rely on the supreme authority of ancient religious texts. In contrast, the Chinese typically considered language a social mechanism for shaping our behavior (so the relation of language and society is the most crucial); they also expressed clearly divergent views on naming. In short, at least four distinctive perspectives are essential: (1) conservative Confucianism, (2) anti-traditional and highly authoritarian Legalism, (3) egalitarian and linguistically skeptical Laozian Daoism, (4) nonconformist and proto-libertarian Zhuangzian Daoism.

This paper focuses on the issue of geopolitics in the pop culture interpretation as illustrated by the Polish pop music after the year 1989. Songs selected from various trends of the Polish popular music made the source material of the text. The primary study method involved the analysis of the lyrics discourse. The Polish geopolitical imaginations used to revolve around the basis axis of better West and worse East, symbolized mainly by Russia, but its image was transferred over entire Asia. Asia, including China, was scarcely present in the geopolitical imaginations contained in the pop music, which, at the same time, reflected the irrelevant interest of Polish elites in global problems. The discourses in the musical texts about China frequently adopted the West’s perspective, where Poland made part of as seen by our elites. The rhetoric strategy concerning China in popular music featured two essential views, which references Orientalism as specified by E. Said. It explains the frequent use of the postcolonial discourse by the Polish elites, also the music ones, which promoted the supremacy of the West over the rest of the world and the universal nature of the Western world values which were meant to be implemented into other civilizations and nations for their own sake. China was presented as a growing threat for the dominance of the West, the USA in the first place, as an alternative model of globalization and international deal putting offthe world by its cultural and geopolitical alienation, as well as indicating negative effects for Poland.

The article is devoted to the geoeconomic goals and prospects of implementing the Chinese initiative „One Belt, One Road”. The author explores the benefits, problems and future opportunities that open up to the Republic of Kazakhstan as a participant in this initiative. The analysis carried out in the article showed that there are still many problems in the implementation of the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) project taking into account the state program of Kazakhstan “Nurly Zhol”, and difficulties arise in the practical implementation of various cooperation areas. At the same time, Kazakhstan should be guided exclusively by its national interests in cooperation with China in the framework of the “One Belt, One Way” initiative.

Selected Aspects of Chinese-French Relations in the 21st Century

The relationship of the People’s Republic of China with the French Republic was initiated in 1964 and has been constantly evolving since then. The 21st century and the changes taking place in the international system have contributed to the growth of China’s position in the international arena as a superpower, while France has been trying to maintain its dominant position in the European Union for two decades. Both countries have a lot in common and divide. The element that binds both countries together is their status in the UN Security Council, their ambivalent attitude to the superpower status of the United States, and the mutual willingness to expand economic cooperation. Among the factors that differ Beijing and Paris, there are rivalries in Africa and the approach to human rights. This does not change the fact that France is one of the main directions of China’s European policy and makes it one of Beijing’s most important political and economic partners. The international situation that both the Chinese and French governments have to face may contribute to a change in bilateral relations in the near future and the need for both sides to look for another partner in the region - in Europe through China and in Asia through France. This article aims to highlight the most important aspects of Sino-French relations in the 21st century, with particular emphasis on political and economic cooperation, especially in the context of the coronavirus pandemic. Outlining these aspects in the relations between China and France determines the construction of the article, which consists of three main parts corresponding to the relevant issues. The aim of this article is also to answer a number of research questions, such as: what were the most important controversial issues in Sino-French relations? Has the title of the most important politicians at the head of China and France influenced bilateral relations? Do relations with France’s changing relations affect the international position of the PRC? Among the research materials used in this article, Polish, English and French-language literature can be mentioned, because access to Chinese materials is extremely difficult, including their translation into other languages. A number of research methods have been used to analyze this research problem, including historical analysis and description or decision method.

The Great Missing One. India and the Belt and Road Initiative

The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), popularly known as the New Silk Road, from the moment of initiation, arouses interest of researchers and policy makers. Due to its scale and multidimensionality, this initiative potentially may help to reconstruct or at least deeply change the world order. The bold ambitions of China create not only impresses but also concerns many countries, including the equally ambitious emerging superpower - India. The aim of the article is to analyze India’s reactions to the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative.

China as a Strategic Economic Partner in the Concepts of Russian Foreign Policy in the 2020s

The article presents an idea of the possible Russian - Chinese strategic economic partnership at the beginning of the 21st century. The author indicates the main factors influencing Russian Federation foreign policy towards China from the perspective of a neoclassical realism.The author stands that according to J. Rosenau, the main factors determining the Russian foreign policy are idiosyncratic and role. Then he analyses the Russian documents of foreign policy, economic data and geopolitical ideas. On that ground, he makes a simple analyse using the neoclassical realism model, that’s integrates Foreign Policy Analyse and International Relations Theory, joining independent and intervening variables, to support the article’s hypotheses. That hypotheses say that, firstly, The Peoples Republic of China (PRC) plays a role of diversification of Russia’s international economic ties; and secondly, The PRC status as a Russia’s strategic partner is at issue, despite the official declarations of both sides.

The policy of the People’s Republic of China towards Central and Eastern Europe in 2012-2020

In the second decade of the 21st century, the Middle Kingdom, which had huge financial surpluses, became the world’s largest exporter of money capital, which meant that investment policy became the main element of China’s foreign policy. In the case of Central and Eastern Europe, the 16+1 (17+1) format, containing both investment policy and soft power elements, has become the basic tool of the general policy of Middle Kingdom. This article aims to define the basic principles of China’s policy towards Central and Eastern Europe. For this purpose, the following general hypothesis was formulated: Chinese policy in Central and Eastern Europe consists of presenting the countries of this region with initiatives that do not go beyond the sphere of declarations and serve as a bargaining chip in relations with Germany, the country with the greatest potential in the European Union. The general hypothesis gives rise to detailed hypotheses that were verified in individual parts of the article with the use of the comparative method. The reasons most often mentioned in the literature on the subject, such as economic, cultural, social, and political differentiation of Central and Eastern European countries, legal barriers resulting from EU legislation, insufficient recognition of the region’s needs by the Chinese side and asymmetry of expectations of both parties, undoubtedly largely contribute to the lack of effective Sino-CEE cooperation. However, they cannot be considered decisive because similar problems occur wherever Chinese companies appear. However, in many regions of the world, despite these obstacles, mutual economic relations are more dynamic than in CEE. The reasons why the potential of the 16+1 (17+1) format has not been properly used can be found primarily in the context of German-Chinese relations.

From Economic to Geopolitical Policy: The Middle East on the Silk Road

The article aims to present and evaluate the activities and politics of the People’s Republic of China in the Middle East, and to define its objectives through the Silk Project. It will provide an overview of the most important changes in the Chinese foreign and political policy, and the importance of the Middle East, particularly the Silk Road to China, and it will try to answer the following questions: How important is the Middle East for the Silk Road? Will the Chinese project bring stability to the region in light of the fierce competition between the great powers? The article adopted the hypothesis that China’s involvement in the Middle East will deepen the conflict between the countries of the region among themselves, and thus become a fertile ground for international conflicts to the international conflict.

The People’s Republic of China is one of the states focusing intensively on building its soft power and shaping its international image. However, China’s image is still negative and primarily based on stereotypes. In recent years, this country is willing to change such perceptions and present itself as an efficient, intensively developing, capable country that is much more than just a global production plant. The article aims to review China’s different manifestations of development aid regarding changing this type of public diplomacy and its meaning to the Chinese government. Is it only motivated by good intentions, or maybe its goal is to only provide an advantage to China? It is evident that owing to significant development, China needs to expand its economic contacts. However, the tested hypothesis states that behind Chinese development aid, political motivation is hidden as well. The research is based on content analysis of official documents and Foreign Ministry’s statements referring to development aid.

This paper highlighted the use of cyberspace as a conflict zone by the US and China, focusing on competition in various technological spheres, including cyberespionage, military technology, and Artificial Intelligence (AI). The main purpose of this study was to depict how great powers manipulate the cyber domain for their high political objectives through US-China rivalry. The research has been carried out mainly via literature review, discourse analysis, and relevant statistics. Consistent with previous literature and global public perception, the outcome has shown that both states are using cyberspace as a new domain for completion in trade, technology, and military purposes. Cyberespionage, the militarization of cyberspace, and AI have been the main conflict areas between these two global competitors in the last decade.

What are the primary drivers of the relationship between Xi’s China and Lukashenko’s Belarus? The present research paper uses the historical process-tracing method to provide an answer to this question. Furthermore, it uses quantitative data analysis regarding the economic intercourse between Belarus and China. It examines whether China’s opposition regarding the unipolar American-led world order and Belarus’s security concerns are the primary drivers of the relationship between Minsk and Beijing. The present article concludes that the congruence of beliefs and Minsk’s desire to ensure survival are drawing the two countries closer together. China’s new strategy encompasses Beijing’s increasing participation in world affairs. China opposes the world order led by a single hegemon, the United States of America. In the interim, Belarus, a relatively weak state insignificant in the global balance of power, shares Beijing’s beliefs about the desired nature of the contemporary world order. However, the Belarusian economy’s condition, which relies heavily on external funding, does not allow the economic cooperation between Minsk and Beijing to thrive. China gradually increases its engagement with Belarus, yet it obscures its ambitions, for Minsk lies in Moscow’s sphere of influence.

The author examines the importance of the “Chinese factor” in today’s world from the perspective of current phenomena such as particular political and economic uncertainty, and examines them against the background of global cooperation and parallel – unprecedented competition at the same level. Globalization processes have taken place over the centuries, but have gained particular importance in our present day. However, they continue to evolve; however, we have left “the golden age” of globalization (1990–2010) already behind us and the related processes are more difficult now. They have acquired new characteristics and for a new success requires application of entirely new recipes. China ever louder talks about the need for a “new” globalization, in line with its new aspirations as a pretender for the global economy’s leadership position. The Belt and Road Initiative, launched in 2013, has been in the center of its vision. It has become the foundation for China’s foreign policy in the horizon of at least the middle of XXI century. It could be designed to re-confirm the unprecedented China’s economic success of the past four decades, which to a great extent could be derived from a skillful use of the “traditional” mechanisms of globalization. In the Belt and Road Initiative, China sees the prescription for overcoming emerging internal tensions and difficulties and the new way to a global success. The author examines the emerging at this stage, complex challenges for today’s China and the Belt and Road Initiative, that can be defined as “external” and dependent not only on own Chinese decisions. They stem e.g. from the need to overcome many barriers and cultural differences between China and its countries-partners in the Belt and Road project. On the other hand, the author identifies some “internal” challenges of systemic nature. Their reduction, and sometimes even abolition, depends mainly on mechanism applied independently by the Chinese side.

Above All, Honor. Reasons Behind the Specific Perception of War Prisoners in Japanese Culture – A Comparison with Western Societies

Cultural differences between Western and Eastern civilizations are noticeable in the system of professed values and in many aspects of life. This also applies to the approach to captives, which was clearly demonstrated by the events of the first years after the end of World War II. An example could be the way in which former Japanese and German soldiers, who were captured after the end of the war, were treated after their return to homeland. This article aims to show the sources of these differences and, to a lesser extent, examples of behaviors which they caused. The analysis consists of references to historical, economic, social, religious, and psychological conditions, which, as intertwined, resulted in the emergence of different perceptions of an individual’s role in a society and his obligations toward the community. These conditions determined the specific attitudes of representatives of each culture in difficult war and post-war circumstances. Explaining the Japanese soldiers’ willingness to sacrifice and the importance of honor for them, reference was made to the influences of Confucianism, Buddhism, Shinto, and the bushido tradition. Showing the deeply rooted reasons for the attitudes described in the article was therefore supposed to enable their explanation.

The relationship between the two countries has been a complex and diverse subject of investigation and contemplation. The interconnection between the two countries can be described by the following central notions, such as economic cooperation, rivalry in terms of status acquisition of global hegemonic power, particularly in the Pacific region and beyond controversy mutual suspicion over each other’s intentions. Therefore, it is clearly justified that each state has elaborated and adopted a specific manner of conduct and attitude regarding each other as a potential adversary but has meanwhile maintained an extremely strong economic partnership. It is fair to state, that the relationship between both countries has been described by multiple world leaders and academics as the world’s most significant bilateral relationship of the 21st century. Due to the fact that Chinese economy has started to develop increasingly fast and PRC has strengthened its positions on the world’s arena, the United States started to perceive the Middle Kingdom as a direct threat to the established world order in its drive for regional hegemony in East Asia now as well as future aspirant for global supremacy. Beijing, by contrast rejects these notions, and continues its assertive policies and its quest for allies.

Shanghai as an international finance center - the achievements and challenges for further development

The purpose of the study was to analyze selected actions, which were and are important for Shanghai to obtain the status of the international financial center, together with an initial assessment of the achievements and an indication of the challenges for further development. The carried out analysis shows, that Shanghai strengthens its position as the world’s leading international financial center. Whereas it is necessary for its further development to implement reliable market rules, that will give certainty to investors (domestic and foreign) that they have an open and fair access to the market and their interests are protected. The transparency and growing maturity of the stock market, the full liberalization of capital flows and the full interchangeability of the chinese currency play an important role. Whether Shanghai will be given the right to valuation global financial assets, depends to a significant extent on the alignment of China’s economic development and progress in the internationalization of the yuan. It also depends on whether the leading foreign financial organizations will see Shanghai as the most important platform to draw dividends from China’s economic development and the internationalization of the chinese currency. In the event of these basic conditions not being completed, Shanghai will not be able to become a fully global, mature financial center, integrated into the global financial system, taking into account, for example, the degree of internationalization of stock exchange operations.

In order to live a normal life, a person must answer the question about themselves - about their image, worldview, capabilities. Typically, one’s identity is built on the basis of the opinions of the environment. A person either compares themselves with it or uses the opinions of people who are important to them. In this way, the person builds their own inner continuity, which provides them with a sense of stability. It is a dynamic process which very often determines the colour and complexity of human life. Today, the closest environment are more and more often the social media. Especially for young people, they are becoming an important source of information about themselves and the world. Yet to what extent do social media offer opportunities for authentic manifestation of one’s self, and to what extent do they become a space for creating parallel identities? Young users are eager to use social media, which influence their lives and identities. The problem is illustrated with the example of China, a large and original social media market.

Przedmiotem mojego zainteresowania jest przedstawienie najważniejszych uwarunkowań i implikacji charakteryzujących relacje chińsko- -południowokoreańskie za rządów Xi Jinpinga na płaszczyźnie politycznej i ekonomicznej. Celem moich rozważań będzie opisanie aktualnego stanu rzeczy we wzajemnych stosunkach oraz próba przeanalizowania, jak relacje obu podmiotów będą wpływać na konfigurację międzynarodową systemu bezpieczeństwa na terenie Azji Wschodniej. Na wstępie niniejszego studium prześledzę historię wzajemnych relacji za czasów zimnej wojny i proces normalizacji stosunków. Następnie przeanalizuję kontakty na linii Chiny–Republika Korei od 2013 r. i objęcia przez Xi Jinpinga oraz Parka Geun-hye sterów władzy w swoich krajach, skupiając się na najistotniejszym wówczas dla obustronnych związków problemie programu nuklearnego Korei Północnej. Niezwykle ważnym zagadnieniem w niniejszym tekście jest poruszenie kwestii zainstalowania na terenie Korei Południowej amerykańskiego systemu przeciwrakietowego THAAD w lipcu 2016 r., co doprowadziło do pogorszenia się relacji między Chinami a Republiką Korei, gdyż chiński rząd potraktował ten krok jako zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa ChRL. Istotnym punktem moich rozważań będzie także znaczenie rywalizacji amerykańsko-chińskiej dla kontaktów między rządami obu omawianych w tekście krajów azjatyckich. W dalszej części opisuję kontakty Pekin–Seul po wybuchu epidemii koronawirusa na przełomie 2019 i 2020 r. Dodatkowo poruszam także problem powiązań ekonomicznych obu państw. W podsumowaniu chciałbym odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy w przyszłości należy spodziewać się intensyfikacji stosunków Pekin–Seul. Zamierzam stwierdzić, jak przybierająca na sile rywalizacja na linii Stany Zjednoczone–Chiny może przyczynić się do modyfikacji priorytetów dyplomacji południowokoreańskiej.

Podstawowym wyznacznikiem odrębności poszczególnych cywilizacji jest środowisko. Z tej perspektywy wynikają zasadnicze różnice pomiędzy cywilizacją chińską i europejską. Wskazując środowisko jako podstawowy czynnik rozwoju cywilizacyjnego, rozumiemy nie tylko środowisko geograficzne, ale także środowisko jako przestrzeń geopolityczna, w której kształtują się relacje, zależności, powiązania i konkurencyjność, kształtujące na poszczególnych poziomach rozwoju cywilizacyjnego środowisko międzynarodowe i międzynarodowe stosunki. Do czasu podjęcia przez państwa europejskie dzieła eksploracji nieznanych obszarów Ziemi, świat polityczny podzielony był na strefy wpływów wielkich cywilizacji, których poziom rozwoju nie wyróżniał zdecydowanie żadnej z nich. Europa znaczną część swego dziedzictwa kulturalnego i naukowego przejęła od islamu, podobnie jak społeczeństwa muzułmańskie przez całe wieki wcześniej inkorporowały z Chin, poprzez wymianę handlową, podboje i osiedlenia.

The Song revolution in Chinese Empire

The article is dedicated to the issue of Song’s dynasty transformation of imperial political system. The research is based on literature review. The study was carried on the political science standpoint. The crucial element of Song dynasty rule is final formation of meritocratic bureucracy – characteristic element of traditional chinese political system.

While discussion on faculty development in China has been increasing in recent years, our understanding of the strategy for the development remains limited. This study with a survey aimed to examine whether e-learning could meet faculty members’ expectations for their professional development. Our findings suggest that e-learning is identified as a preferred means of opening new opportunities to meet the needs of faculty in China where faculty development still remains traditional training and it has bright prospects. The result also highlights individual perspectives as a critical factor shaping e-learning behavior, and provides implications for the policy of faculty development.