- Author:
Khuan Sin
- E-mail:
khuan_sin@ukr.net
- Institution:
Kharkiv State Academy of Design and Arts
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0783-6786
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
177-193
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm20220110
- PDF:
ksm/33/ksm3310.pdf
Semiotico-compositive aspects of the formation of Chinese equipment painting works: general theoretical analysis
The scientific article is devoted to the complex analysis of semiotic-compositional aspects of formation of works of easel painting of China. It established that taking into account the holistic and fundamental changes that took place in the spiritual life of society in the late XX –early XXI century and due to the transformations taking place in the fine arts of China, it is obvious that profound changes have affected the methodology of philosophical knowledge and the foundations of artistic creativity. In art, the practice of artistic creativity and the accompanying philosophical reflection always go hand in hand, fully determining each other. In turn, attention to some specific aspects of the formation of the compositional construction of a work of art is not only able to promote practice, but can deepen the degree of penetration into all aspects of the topic under consideration. Emphasis is placed on the fact that extrapolating such a method to the study of the phenomena of compositional construction, we can afford to trace the relationship between individual artistic styles and their relationship to the goals and objectives of composition. This allows us to distinguish two aspects of the study: the attitude to the composition, its goals, objectives, methods and techniques in the context of the analyzed individual artistic styles; attitude to the composition, its goals, objectives, methods and techniques, as a communicative model of “open” type, in which the message changes as codes change, and the use of certain codes is dictated by ideology, features of historical development, translational movement of semiosis.
- Author:
Filip Grzegorzewski
- E-mail:
filipgrzegorzewski@gmail.com
- Institution:
University of Warsaw (Poland)
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3160-8214
- Published online:
30 January 2022
- Final submission:
23 January 2022
- Printed issue:
March 2022
- Source:
Show
- Page no:
16
- Pages:
59-74
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202210
- PDF:
ppsy/51/ppsy202210_4.pdf
Strategic ambiguity, or the deliberate policy of uncertainty as to whether the United States would use force to defend Taiwan against an invasion by the People's Republic of China, has been the centrepiece of US policy towards the Taiwan issue for decades. This paper discusses the factors driving the redefinition of strategic ambiguity and its recalibration throughout Donald Trump's presidency (2017–2021). The fundamental driver of this change was to balance the rising power of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The paper applied offensive realism as a theoretical framework for its analysis. Under President Donald Trump, Washington modified its policy of strategic ambiguity, explicitly framing relations with Taiwan within a broader Indo-Pacific strategy. While the US retained key elements of strategic ambiguity, including the 'One China' policy, it added new features to deploy it offensively against Beijing's growing regional hegemony. The increased dynamism and unpredictability of relations with Taiwan were matched by a welcoming attitude towards strengthening Taiwanese identity and highlighting the systemic differences between communist China and democratic Taiwan. America stepped up arms sales and encouraged Taiwan to build its self-defence capabilities. Washington engaged in countering Chinese attempts to isolate Taiwan internationally and included it in restructuring global supply chains. Although the United States has not formally revised the boundaries of the 'One China' policy, the modification of strategic ambiguity increased Taiwan's prominence in US-China power competition and pushed back the prospect of peaceful unification.
- Author:
Ewa Radomska
- E-mail:
ewa.radomska@up.krakow.pl
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9503-534X
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
108-128
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20223207
- PDF:
npw/32/npw3207.pdf
Institutional and legal conditions for the development of social enterprises in China: the national provisions and the local pilot schemes
The aim of the article is to assess the institutional and legal conditions for the development of social enterprises in China by analyzing the current national provisions, indirectly relating to these entities, the local pilot schemes and the accreditation systems of social enterprises operating within them, as well as to formulate recommendations to decisionmakers concerning further necessary measures for the development of social enterprises. The analysis carried out has drawn several key conclusions. China is at an early stage in the implementation of institutional and legal solutions which are important for the development of social enterprises. There are no national laws and policies regulating the status and functioning of these entities. The national provisions on non profit law and company law relate indirectly to social enterprises. A complementary set of rules is needed to take account of the hybrid organisational form of social enterprises. In addition, a comprehensive assessment of the existing institutional and legal arrangements implemented under local pilot schemes (in Chengdu, Shunde-Foshan, Shenzhen, Beijing) is needed. They provide the basis for national legislation and policies relating to social enterprises. Insufficient understanding of the concept and the importance of social entrepreneurship by decision-makers at the government level can be considered problematic.
- Author:
Karolina Mazurowska
- Institution:
Uniwersytet SWPS
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0914-1144
- Author:
Oskar Wangart
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Warszawski
- Year of publication:
2021
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
38-53
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ap202103
- PDF:
ap/24/ap2403.pdf
Chinese Hybrid Management Model
The dynamic development of Chinese enterprises in the last two decades means that increasingly often, Chinese companies have been expanding their own specific corporate culture and management methods. The article discusses the differences in the attitudes of managers, business strategies as well as the Chinese definitions and visions of what an enterprise is to serve, what are its goals, strategies and forms of operation. In the article, we analyze Chinese and external – Western factors which influence the management and organization of work in China, arguing that the Chinese management model may be described as a hybrid, in view of the variety of sources on which its principles are based. The first part of the article deals with the philosophical foundations and management considerations in traditional China, referring to the main currents of the Chinese philosophical thought, Confucianism, Legism and Daoism. The second part describes the implications of Chinese philosophy in management; the practice of networking and how the characteristics of Chinese society affect corporate governance in China. Part three is devoted to human resources and to the way social needs of Chinese workers are met.The Chinese society is examined in the context of management. The last part of the article describes enterprises in the People’s Republic of China, their special relationship with the State and how it is understood in the context of management.
- Author:
Wang Yun
- Institution:
Uniwersytet SWPS
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8740-2499
- Year of publication:
2021
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
71-84
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ap202105
- PDF:
ap/24/ap2405.pdf
The article analyzes the relation between the individual and the family in traditional China in a historical and cultural context. It concludes that the family, besides being a source of material support, provides a sense of identity, which is obtained through the performance of family role ethics. The ethics consist in fulfilling one’s specific obligations, such as filial piety, obedience, responsibility for family members, etc. Through practicing them since childhood, individuals shape their personality in a way that enables them to participate in a hierarchical, patriarchal family structure and maintain harmonious relations with its members.
- Author:
Alla Atamanenko
- E-mail:
alla.atamanenko@oa.edu.ua
- Institution:
National University of Ostroh Academy
- Author:
Natalia Konopka
- E-mail:
natalia.konopka@oa.edu.ua
- Institution:
National University of Ostroh Academy
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
7-13
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/CPLS.20221.01
- PDF:
cpls/1/cpls101.pdf
The article analyzes the causes, implementation strategy, and results of vaccine diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation in Central and Eastern Europe. In particular, the activities of China and Russia in Serbia, Hungary, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Moldova, Belarus, and Ukraine are covered. The main directions, tools, and consequences of the activation of the two states in the region are outlined. The article underlines that China is expanding its strategic goals according to the One Belt One Road Initiative through the so-called Health Silk Road, providing a vaccine to low- and middle-income countries. The goals of the Russian Federation are established more in the geopolitical and political spheres. Russia seeks to reduce the influence of the EU and the US in the CEE region from political, economic, and security perspectives. China and Russia are both allies and competitors. The two countries are trying to gain additional leverage in the CEE region by means of political lobbying, investment, finance, propaganda, Euroscepticism, public opinion manipulation, and soft power. For some time, the shortage of medicine for vaccination, which was caused by giving priority to the population of vaccine-producing countries, contributed to a rather increased activity of the PRC and the Russian Federation in the implementation of the strategy of gaining image benefits.
- Author:
Igor Szpotakowski
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Jagielloński w Krakowie
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8015-8614
- Year of publication:
2018
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
158-171
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201808
- PDF:
siip/17/siip1708.pdf
State sovereignty and the rule of law: the codification of private law in China
The main issue of this article is a comparison of codification of private law in the Republic of China (1912–1949) with the current fifth attempt to codify civil law in the People’s Republic of China, which is planned to be enacted in 2020. The aim of the paper is to prove that in both the most important factors for drafting new laws were not the internal needs of the state, but the necessity to regulate the position of the country on the international arena. The analysis is based on two main concepts: sovereignty and the rule of law, which are crucial for understanding this issue.
- Author:
Kerry Anne Longhurst
- E-mail:
Kerry.longhurst@civitas.edu.pl
- Institution:
Collegium Civitas (Poland)
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4710-2640
- Author:
Agnieszka Nitza-Makowska
- E-mail:
agnieszka.nitza@civitas.edu.pl
- Institution:
Collegium Civitas (Poland)
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1677-986X
- Author:
Katarzyna Skiert-Andrzejuk
- E-mail:
agnieszka.nitza@civitas.edu.pl
- Institution:
Collegium Civitas (Poland)
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4451-5092
- Published online:
15 July 2022
- Final submission:
16 March 2022
- Printed issue:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Page no:
13
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202228
- PDF:
ppsy/51/ppsy202228.pdf
The article sheds light on the nexus between higher education and foreign policy. International higher education has become an increasingly prominent element of some states’ policies towards other countries as a flank to traditional foreign policy. It has occurred in Central Asia, where the European Union, China and Russia are all supporting teaching, research and capacity-building activities in the tertiary sectors of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Although they employ similar tools and instruments, the assumptions and visions underpinning their respective strategies diverge. Russia’s strategy is shaped by historically informed identity factors and the impulse to entrench predominance in the post-Soviet space, whilst China uses its support for higher education as a soft infrastructure for its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Meanwhile, the EU has integrated higher education into its strategy for the region, which aims at drawing Central Asia closer to its orbit through democratisation and the rule of law.
- Author:
Paula Tomaszewska
- E-mail:
paula.tomaszewska@amu.edu.pl
- Institution:
University of Adam Mickiewicz in Poznań
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0583-0938
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
122-136
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/rop2022308
- PDF:
rop/21/rop2108.pdf
The subject of the article is to analyze how Poland reacts to the US-Chinese competition for primacy over 5G technology. The importance of 5G systems has acquired a geopolitical dimension. Poland also feels its technological security dilemma. The acceptance by the Polish authorities of Washington’s position on 5G was undoubtedly an element of the negotiations on increasing the size of the American contingent in Poland. There are indications that decisions on how to treat Huawei in our country will be made on the basis of strong allied ties. At one time Poland seemed to be balancing between US pressure and China, but now it has sided decisively on the American side. The question still remains open: will the Polish state be able to fully open itself to the transatlantic allied relationship to benefit from this cooperation?
- Author:
Maciej Walkowski
- E-mail:
walkowski@poczta.onet.pl
- Institution:
Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań (Poland)
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4293-1084
- Published online:
10 November 2022
- Printed issue:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Page no:
19
- Pages:
135-153
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202239
- PDF:
ppsy/51/ppsy202239_9.pdf
In the European Union, the United States and other countries of the so-called Western world, the perception of the functionalities of AI, and other instruments of Industrial Revolution 4.0 significantly differs from its perception by the PRC’s authorities, which – for a few years – have been implementing solutions aimed at comprehensive scrutiny and social supervision rather than facilitating life and work. This idea has been reflected in the so-called Social Credit System since at least 2014 and has given rise to plenty of controversies and disputes, unfortunately based on emotions and imprecise interpretation of the characteristics, aims, and implementation of the project rather than knowledge. While the new, digital model of social management in China is extensively discussed in the literature, it is rarely addressed in Polish studies, which results in the scarcity of publications on this subject. This paper attempts to fill this gap by presenting the essence of the system and the progress of its implementation.
- Author:
Ewa Radomska
- Institution:
Instytut Prawa, Ekonomii iAdministracji, Katedra Ekonomii i Polityki Gospodarczej, Wydział Nauk Społecznych, Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. KEN w Krakowie
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9503-534X
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
9-27
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ap2022.1.01
- PDF:
ap/25/ap2501.pdf
China’s Foreign Investment Law: Towards Improving the Legal and Institutional Environment for Foreign Investors
The article aims to present the main changes of China’s foreign investment law with a focus on the Foreign Investment Law and its implementing, effective from January 1, 2020. They are overarching and concerning investors present on the Chinese market and those planning to expand into the market through foreign direct investments. The following research hypothesis was verified: The Chinese Foreign Investment Law and its implementing entail many beneficial changes from the foreign investors’ perspective. An in-depth analysis of legal texts is the main research method employed to verify the research hypothesis. Key findings: The FIL, its implementation and the further shortening of the prohibitions and restrictions on foreign investors included in the negative lists are important steps towards liberalisation in foreign investors’ access to the Chinese market, offering them opportunities to invest capital. They create a conducive institutional and legal environment for foreign investors compared to the previous legislation. However, further action is needed to address regulatory flaws, increase regulatory transparency, and accelerate the pace of change.
- Author:
Magdalena Łągiewska
- Institution:
Department of Public International Law, Faculty of Law and Administration, University of Gdańsk
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9482-2651
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
29-41
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ap2022.1.02
- PDF:
ap/25/ap2502.pdf
Chinese authorities have taken decisive steps to tackle violations of intellectual property (IP) rights in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The National People’s Congress (NPC) adopted a new amendment to China’s criminal law on December 26, 2020. These regulations entered into force on March 1, 2021. The article aims to draw attention to the recent developments and ways to fight against the IP infringement in China. The study focuses on the IP courts in China and then analyzes the recent amendment to Chinese criminal law. Therefore, it is based on the descriptive and dogmatic methods. The article seeks to answer the question of whether the regulations are effective and significantly prevent the spread of IP infringements in China. It brings us to the conclusion that China’s accession to the WTO was a turning point that influenced the development and the improvement of domestic IP regime. Hence, China became a country with complex, multifaceted, and contentious environment regarding IP rights. One of the most significant changes concern the establishment of IP courts across China. It is too early to determine whether these solutions are effective due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic in China.
- Author:
Gaurav Bhattarai
- Institution:
Department of International Relations and Diplomacy (DIRD), Tribhuvan University, Katmandu, Nepal.
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1471-5763
- Author:
Prakash Bista
- Institution:
Department of International Relations and Diplomacy (DIRD), Tribhuvan University, Katmandu, Nepal.
- Author:
Sudip Adhikari
- Institution:
Department of International Relations and Diplomacy (DIRD), Tribhuvan University, Katmandu, Nepal.
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
27-43
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ap2022.2.02
- PDF:
ap/26/ap2602.pdf
The significance of maritime interactions has impacted coastal and landlocked countries. Nepal’s response to the US-led Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) signifies the same. For Nepal, crossing seas was culturally associated with sin as an objective to fulfill the isolationist policy adopted until the political change of 1950. As such, Nepal’s interaction with the sea was not so friendly in the past. However, these historical shreds of evidence cannot suffice as the reason behind her denial of joining the IPS. Most of the available literature divulges the sensitive geographical position of Nepal in the context of the rise of China and the projection of a ‘new Cold War’ for its reluctance to join the Indo-Pacific strategy. However, they fail to probe into the domestic intricacies contributing to the hesitation. In this context, this paper primarily tries to dwell upon the actors and factors that have influenced Nepal’s dubiety in joining the Indo-Pacific Strategy. Thus, this paper aims to fulfill two objectives. First, to analyze the role of geographical sensitivity, and second, to scrutinize the domestic interplay of things. As exploratory qualitative research, this study reviews the official documents, agreements, statements, speeches, and reports from think tanks and newspapers to hypothesize that besides external factors there are integral internal elements that have played a part in Nepal’s denial to join the strategic partnership.
- Author:
Krzysztof Szumski
- Institution:
emerytowany dyplomata
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
63-93
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ap2022.2.04
- PDF:
ap/26/ap2604.pdf
The Philippines during Rodrigo Duterte’s Rule: Rivalry between the United States and China
The rivalry of great powers between the United States and China embraces all regions of the world, including Southeast Asia and especially the Philippines. The President of the Philippines Rodrigo Duterte (2016–2022) at the beginning of his presidency started to diminish the dependence of the country on former colonial power the US and to improve relations with China. Duterte hoped for the increase of economic cooperation and support of Beijing for modernization of infrastructures. Despite some successes in his policy, Duterte finally started to search again for support from the US. It was the result of extremely strong links and dependency between armed forces of Philippines and United States and generally very strong pro American filling of many Filipinos, the second reason was slowness of realization of some Chinese investments in the country, brutality and aggressiveness of Chinese coast guards towards Philippine fishers, and probably also some weakness in Chinese policy to the Philippines. Finally, Duterte obtained good results. The US confirmed readiness for military support in case of foreign aggression (especially in the South China Sea) and China was involved in political and economic cooperation with the Philippines.
- Author:
Mukesh Shankar Bharti
- E-mail:
msbharti.jnu@gmail.com
- Institution:
Amity University, Noida (India)
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3693-7247
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
17-30
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ajepss.2022.1.12
- PDF:
ajepss/1/ajepss112.pdf
The study deals with China’s trade and Economic cooperation in the Horn of Africa. This research aims to focus on infrastructural development in the region under China’s Belt and Road Initiative framework. Further, the central purpose of this research is to discuss Chinese investment in Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Kenya and Somalia. The research uses a qualitative analysis approach to discuss the research problems and tries to find out core findings. The following question deals with this study, how does China expand its trade and investment in the Horn of Africa? To what extent has China developed ties with the Horn of African countries in the context of BRI projects? As a result, China has developed a strong stance in the Horn of Africa in the context of trade and investment. This study concludes that China has enormous challenges within these countries to manage interstate issues for security purposes that are necessary for the success of infrastructure development and other BRI-related projects.
- Author:
Mukesh Shankar Bharti
- Institution:
Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
241-262
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.76.13
- PDF:
apsp/76/apsp7613.pdf
The aim of this research is to describe China’s Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) in the context of broader economic cooperation among the Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC). This research investigates the infrastructural development in the CEE countries under the 17+1 initiative in the entire region. Further, this study explores different approaches of economic cooperation between CEEC and China and points out the Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in individual CEE-17 countries. What kind of cooperation and mutual interrelation does China’s economic cooperation develop with the member states of the 17+1 initiative? To what extent do the CEE countries transform their economy in the framework of the 17+1 project? It is very clear that China needs to develop more effective mechanisms for wider cooperation in CEE countries to achieve the goal of the BRI initiative. This research mainly produces empirical studies to investigate the objectives and hypotheses. As of now, the result of the BRI initiative and 17+1 framework projects impacted limited economic transition in the CEE countries. The article concludes that there is a need to accelerate different BRI projects proportionally in the CEE countries. Moreover, this study shows that there is a trade deficit between the CEE countries and China. This article indicates that as a recommendation for bilateral cooperation between CEE countries and China, there is a need for large levels of cooperation at the regional level.
- Author:
Tomasz Matras
- E-mail:
tomasz.matras2@uwr.edu.pl
- Institution:
University of Wrocław
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4136-2038
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
40-55
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/so2022402
- PDF:
so/24/so2402.pdf
In the last thirty years, China became one of the most important elements of the global economy. China is one of the leading investor countries. In 2020, the value of outward Foreign Direct Investment from China amounted to approximately 153.71 billion U.S. dollars. Therefore, the threat of making other countries dependent on Chinese pressure is growing. Chinese leaders tend to use the potential benefits of cooperation with them as a bargaining card in relations with other countries – both developing and developed. This research article aims to present aspects of economic cooperation with China that are usually overlooked in public discourse and to arouse the reader’s interest in the subject. This article is largely descriptive, based on scientific studies and analyses of Polish and foreign researchers. The author has used historical, comparative, and monographic methods in his research.
- Author:
Аскар Ч. Какеев (Askar Chokutaevich Kakeyev)
- Institution:
Kyrgyz Academy of Sciences Philosophy Department Kyrgyz-Russian Slavic University
- Year of publication:
2016
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
79-94
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/so2016204
- PDF:
so/10/so1004.pdf
Uprising of 1916: In the problems of historiography and source studies
The article is about first attempt of a full historiographical representation of the problem of the 1916 uprising.
- Author:
Elżbieta Kolasińska
- E-mail:
elzbieta.kolasinska@ug.edu.pl
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Gdański
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6592-5598
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
161-180
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20223508
- PDF:
npw/35/npw3508.pdf
Work environment in China
China is a country based on traditional values on the one hand, and on the other, oriented towards the modern advances of globalization. It has undergone a wide range of socio-economic changes. The working environment in China is influenced by both classic and contemporary factors. This article discusses dysfunctional phenomena occurring in the working environment in China. These include workaholism, karoshi, karojisatsu, the 996 model, and the “lying flat” movement. The study is a critical analysis of labor relations in China.
- Author:
Wioleta Gierszewska
- Year of publication:
2014
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
120-136
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/so2014207
- PDF:
so/6/so607.pdf
Security as a policy tool in the Republic of China
The purpose of this article is to explore ‚Security’ as a policy tool in the Republic of China. Defense policy of the ‚Middle Kingdom’ [China] is an inseparable element of China’s foreign policy. Increased spending on militarization raises questions about the intentions of China’s foreign policy. It is worth noting that the ‚Middle Kingdom’ belongs to the group of world powers military, but China’s foreign policy largely determines its political and military force in the world and in the macro-region of the state of China. The limited communications and lack of mutual understanding of reality between Beijing and the United States cause unreasonable security concerns. On the basis of the content analyzed herein, one can conclude that the ‚Middle Kingdom’ strives to to become a superpower while increasing its army. The ambition for further militarization stems from a desire to gain greater prestige in the international arena and to ensure internal security and economic development.