Together with the acceleration of globalization processes, power in international relations has moved from the political and military space to the economic one. Today, true power means ability and capacity to integrate with the global economy. Therefore, economic diplomacy, which is not a new phenomenon, became one of the most important elements of foreign policy of all countries. The aim of the article is to present the importance of economic diplomacy in foreign policy in the era of globalization with a particular emphasis on the economic activity of China.

The article analyzes in the three paragraphs the issue of Muslim minorities in China, focusing on the history of Muslims in China, certain groups who live and cultivate their religion on the Chinese territory and the current situation of main two ethnic groups – Hui and Uygur. In the first paragraph article focuses on the history of the phenomenon of Islam’s development in China. Second paragraph focuses on the actual ethnic groups, concerning Hui, Uygur and other, smaller ethnic Muslim groups in China. The third paragraph shows the political situation of Hui and Uygur groups today.

China – forming the cultural and civilization centre of the Far East. Part I

The paper aims at presenting the processes of forming China as the cultural and civilisation centre of the Far East. It is important, which is noticed, in the area of human and social relations towards the environment in which the most important cultural and civilisational transformations occur. In addition, the influence of relations with the outside world and factors influencing the formation of the first cultural formations are observed. The research space of the first part of the paper also involves the analysis of phenomena occurring in the process of the development of Chinese agriculture and the formation of cults, beliefs and religious rituals – important elements of shaping the cultural and civilisation distinctiveness of China.

The power of modern China: an outline of the problem

The modern power of China is based on its traditional sources: the size of the territory and demographics, the scale of the economy, strong army and soft power (culture, values, foreign policy, public diplomacy). China, by building its hegemony, showed that only a state with significant resources is able to be a leader in the modern world. The basic condition is the balanced development of individual power resources, because only then can long-term hegemony in the modern world be achieved and maintained. It is important for the world whether China will gain hegemony by overthrowing the existing world order, or whether it will try to maintain the existing order by building its leadership on its basis.

This article examines Chinese-Philippine cooperation within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This is an intriguing issue because, in 2016, many people predicted that China would exclude the Philippines from the BRI framework due to their dispute over the Scarborough Shoal. Former Philippine President Benigno Aquino III had criticized China’s South China Sea maritime expansion, but Duterte changed the country’s foreign policy in 2016. He followed China’s advice and moved forward, resolving differences between the two countries and developing a healthy bilateral relationship. This article found that the BRI framework is critical in this shift in diplomatic relations. China and the Philippines’ interdependence, as well as the shift in identity from an enemy to a partner, have both contributed to the improvement of China-Philippines relations.

Feminist deconstruction of the traditional image of women in Qiu Jin’s works

Women’s issues are a significant subject of study in the realm of Chinese literature. In many works, it can be seen to oppose stereotypes or norms imposed on the female gender and to take measures leading to the emancipation of the individual. Such literature is symptomatic of a desire for change in society, that is, the overthrow of the patriarchal system and the introduction of equal rights between the sexes. An example of such prose is the works of China’s first feminist, Qiu Jin, who decided to fight for women’s rights. She was sentenced to death for her revolutionary activities. However, her texts introduced a completely new image of women into the public sphere - different from the one that had been reproduced for hundreds of years in ancient China. The poet chose to endow her heroines with charisma, courage, intelligence and the will to fight for a better life. Her aim was to make women aware of their situation in life, their social role, and to encourage them to leave the male-dominated world. Michalina Koniuk, in the chapter “Feminist Deconstruction of the Traditional Image of Woman in Qiu Jin’s Works”, proposes to analyse Qiu Jin’s works and present that the characters created by the writer oppose and destroy the image of the obedient and uneducated woman that existed in ancient China. First, the social role imposed on women in Chinese society has been described, namely that of obedient daughter, wife and daughter-in-law. The requirements and rules expected of Chinese women have been presented, and how Confucian norms contributed to the belittling of women’s role and position in Chinese society. As the poet was inspired by her own life experiences, Qiu Jin’s life were briefly introduced. Her childhood, during which the first signs of dissatisfaction with the obligations and social norms imposed on girls could be observed. An unsuccessful marriage mobilised the feminist to fight for women’s rights, to oppose the doctrines of Confucius and to leave home and go abroad. This was a great act of courage and at the same time a struggle for freedom and independence in the life of a feminist. That part was followed by an analysis of Qiu Jin’s works, whose female characters exemplify the kind of norms and behaviours that Qiu Jin rebelled against. At the same time, these characters deconstruct the traditional image of a woman and introduce a new one of a strong and independent individual. In this chapter, all poems and quotations have been translated by the author from Chinese into Polish.

Economic relations between Russia and China have been growing over the years. Of particular importance in Russia-China economic relations is the gas and oil trade. Russia has the world’s largest natural resources, while China is the world’s largest energy consumer. In 2014, an agreement was reached to build a new gas pipeline and increase gas exports to China. If the planned volume of gas can be exported to China on a stable basis, Russia will be able to supplement some of the economic sanctions imposed by the West. However, there is much uncertainty as to whether China can be a stable export destination for Russia. There is a significant gap in the trade scale between Russia and China and asymmetrical dependence in the relationship between them. In addition, international pipeline projects have substantial financial and time costs, and the two countries; intentions sometimes differ. The purpose of this research is to clarify the current state of trade interdependence between Russia and China and to study whether China can be a stable economic partner for Russia. This paper consists of three main parts, with an introduction and conclusions. The first part explains an overview of trade and asymmetric interdependence between Russia and China. It then analyses the anticipated benefits and vulnerabilities of increased Russian gas exports to China. The third section investigates the uncertainties of China as a gas importer in terms of China’s dependence on Russia.

The impact of Far Eastern art in Poland from the late 19th to the 20th century

From the period of geographic discovery to the current era of globalization, Eastern and Western cultures have been in constant communication while being very different from one another. The Polish art scene was profoundly influenced by inspiration from the Far East from the late nineteenth century to the early twentieth century, or from “Young Poland” to the modern era following World War II. At the turn of the century, interest in Japan and its art expanded from Paris to Poland. The popularity of Japanese art in Poland increased as a result of social, cultural, and even political demands. Numerous ideas in Japanese art, such as ukiyo-e woodcuts, were compatible with the philosophy of the Young Poland era and hence served as the foundation for numerous art schools. Poland and China, another Eastern nation, frequently exchange cultural and artistic works during the aforementioned period, which are evident in sectors such as painting, film, stage design, etc.

Consequences of a full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war for the positioning of the «Three Seas Initiative» in global politics

The article discusses the term “Three Seas Initiative” – a product of the adaptation of the philosophical and geographical category “Intermarium” to the description of Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The thesis is substantiated that the application of the category “Intermarium” to Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe is due not only to the “mental geography” of Polish political thought and the practical needs of Polish geopolitics of the 20th and 21st centuries but also to the objectively existing general characteristics of the region (its buffer status between geopolitical powers of Germany and Russia, the lower level of prosperity of this region compared to Western Europe, its predominantly Slavic character, which repeatedly pushes the implementation of pan-Slavist projects in the Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, the trends in social, in particular, cultural, economic and political, which are observed at least since the late 1980s). It is argued that the project “Three Seas Initiative” by A. Duda is a modern reincarnation of the idea of the Prometheists – “Intermarium”, created between the two world wars on the basis of the Jagiellonian idea of the Early Modern Age. This project arose as an opposition of rightwing conservative, poorer EU members to its left-liberal, rich participants with external support from the Eurosceptic, right-wing populist government of D. Trump in the USA. However, the evolution of the Three Seas Initiative finally led it to institutionalization as one of the cores of integration in the modern European Union at different speeds, with an emphasis on the development of cross-border communication and infrastructure projects in the region with the cooperation of the EU and the USA. It is emphasized that after the start of the Russian- Ukrainian war, the threat of its spread to the territory of the “Three Seas Initiative”, which the EU cannot overcome, forces the members of the initiative to seek direct military support from the United States in exchange for Washington’s support in its opposition to Beijing, an ally of Moscow. “Three Seas Initiative” could be perceived as an activation of the role of the region as one of the outposts of opposition to Chinese influence on the planet. In addition, the Russian- Ukrainian war involuntarily led to the achievement of one of the goals of the Three Seas Initiative - the development of the logistics infrastructure of its participants, due to the need to serve large-scale land and air movements of troops and the functioning of “grain” and humanitarian corridors from the European Union to Ukraine. Also, a full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war caused the resuscitation and development of the military-industrial complex of the Three Seas Initiative countries, its integration within the region and the rest of the EU, as well as with Ukraine, the USA, and South Korea, which gives a chance for high-tech economic growth of the participants of the project.

The research purpose of the paper is to analyze the key assumptions outlined in the US National Security Strategy 2022. The paper will look for answers to the following questions: What is national security strategy? Is it an important document? What and for whom does it matter? What direction will US policy take under Joe Biden’s administration? What tools and methods will be used? What are the goals and priorities set in the document? Which countries are among the closest allies and biggest adversaries? What impact had the Russian aggression against Ukraine on the shape of the US National Security Strategy 2022? The main research method will be source analysis and criticism, as well as a comparative method to contrast the current NSS with previous ones. The research thesis assumes that the priority of the current US security strategy remains the one initiated during previous White House administrations – the rivalry with China, which in tandem with Russia aims to change the modern international order, threatening the national interests of the United States of America. The conducted analysis, on the one hand, confirms the thesis, and, on the other hand, points to inconsistencies in US strategic thinking (which takes the form of a “wish list”), which can significantly affect the effectiveness of the implementation of the set goals and objectives.

The main objective of the article was to determine whether the Uyghurs were a relevant group in the Syrian conflict, i.e., whether they were numerous, well-organized and determined enough to take the fight to the Syrian army or other non-state actors or cooperate with them. Several levels of analysis were carried out in this article. Firstly, article aimed to show where the Uyghurs in Syria came from. Secondly, the following section assessed their importance to the Syrian conflict, as well as who they worked with and fought against. Thirdly, it analysed whether their military and political involvement could have an impact on the international situation. Last but not least, the fate of Uyghurs, especially those who left for Syria, was discussed. The latter issue is also a question about Syria, its fate and place in the politics of other countries.

The Social Credit System (SCS, 社会信用体系, shèhuì xìnyòng tĭxì), is an extremely interesting, ultimately nationwide pilot project, consisting of establishing the system of social rating, which, based on data collected over decades and stored both analog and with the use of state-of-the-art technologies will create profiles of citizens and businesses in the People’s Republic of China. The system focuses on four main spheres – national enterprises and economy, society, the judiciary, and public administration. It is in them that a higher level of social trust and security will be ensured, law regulations better observed, corruption eliminated, and proper transparency guaranteed. In analyzing the issue of the Western world’s attitude to the mechanism of digital surveillance and control of business and social activity in China, I should seek answers to the following questions, intriguing from the cognitive and practical perspective: Which of the above interpretations seems to be closer to the truth?; can the SCS have, at least partially, a universal character in the European Union, especially in the societies with a different system of values and the countries with a different political system than the one of the PRC?

The Role of the Belt and Road Initiative in Balancing Trade Relations between Poland and China: An Input-Output Analysis

Trade relations between Poland and China remain asymmetric. The introduction of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its related formats was intended to balance trade relations between China and its trading partners. The study aims to track the value-added flows between Poland and China. Two research questions were posed: 1) whether Chinese initiatives aimed at balancing trade relations are reflected in more balanced flows of added value between Poland and China; 2) whether the role of Poland as a supplier of added value to China is growing as a result of the introduction of BRI and related initiatives. The study used Inter-Country Input-Output in input-output models. The findings show that Poland’s position in global production links with China has deteriorated in many industries and plays a minor role in the Chinese industry. On the other hand, BRI had a very limited impact on balancing the value-added flows between China and Poland only in a few industries.

The Reform of the Chinese State Security System

With Xi Jinping’s assumption of power in China, large-scale reforms of the entire state system have begun in this country, especially those related to broadly understood security. The aim is to improve the functioning of the Chinese state in the 21st century and ensure its position as a world leader. It is also important that in the reform of the national security system, the Chinese state leadership paid attention not only to this system’s basic elements, i.e., the army and the police, but also to the rule of law and social and environmental security. Such a broad approach to the issue of national security proves strategic thinking as well as understanding and considering the processes taking place in the contemporary world.

By assuming a proactive role in international environmental regimes and extending the ‘green’ dimensions of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China has been seeking to promote itself as a leader and responsible stakeholder in global environmental governance. This article examines this development concerning the notion of China’s ‘soft power’ and, more specifically, the notion of ‘green soft power’ – which aims to bridge the traditional concept of soft power with a state’s behavior on environmental and climate issues. China presents an interesting case since it has accrued a considerable amount of green soft power through its multilateral environmental diplomacy practiced at the Conferences of the Parties (COPs), the high-profile annual United Nations Climate Change Conferences, but its patchy deployment of environmental standards in the bilateral engagements under the BRI highlights the contradictions in referring to China as a green soft power. With these ideas in mind, this article holds that in the search to understand the evolving nature of China’s responsible stakeholder role, attention should be given to exploring the notion of green soft power.

The analysis is based on theoretical assumptions characteristic of the multi-order world by Trine Flockhart concept. The main factor influencing the situation in the Indo-Pacific region is the conflict between two international orders, Chinese-led and American-led, which is economic but may take a military form in the future. The practical limitations of the article result from the complex process of analyzing and forecasting political phenomena in statu nascendi. The analysis contributes to the scientific discussion on the future of international relations in the Indo-Pacific region. The American-led order in the Indo-Pacific region is based on the institutionalized forms of cooperation involving Anglo-Saxon states based on identity factors determining their effectiveness. The US strategy for the Indo-Pacific is mainly based on the network of partnerships with the region’s countries and countries from other parts of the world supporting the American-led order in the region, especially the Anglo-Saxon countries. In addition to identity factors, the positive long-term experience of military cooperation between the Anglo-Saxon countries is significant. The escalation of the global conflict between the US and China will be conducive to further tightening this cooperation.

Maritime policy and economy in the context of the activities of the Chinese-Polish Joint Stock Shipping Company

The article concerns the issue of Chinese-Polish economic cooperation in the maritime sector shown on the example of the Chinese-Polish Joint Stock Shipping Company. The article focuses on the factors that contributed to the establishment of business contacts and how the cooperation between the countries has developed over the more than 70 years of the company’s existence. It shows both the benefits that resulted from the cooperation and the political difficulties that the company’s existence generated. The article presents the operating principles of the company and the areas of joint activity are described in detail. In addition, the current state of Chinese-Polish economic relations is presented mainly through the prism of the company’s operation.

Global competition and the fate of China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the world

China’s contemporary Belt and Road Initiative (the “New Silk Road”) as the leading idea of China’s foreign policy in the President’s Xi Jinping era is an attempt to continue the unique tradition of the historical Silk Road. However, in the conditions of the present day, the great ideas of the Silk Road have to face in reality the challenges of the modern global world. The author shows the contemporary challenges (internal and external) facing international projects of the Belt and Road Initiative, and becoming their typical problems. The article could be used to formulate many multi-threaded conclusions, but in the end, the hope preveils that if the ideas of the Belt and Road were liberated from the context of global political competition, humanity would gain enormously. The conditions for accelerated economic growth would be created, promoting the idea of expansion based on peaceful cooperation, which – in the current era of tensions, unrest and a number of war outbreaks in the world – is particularly needed.

Tsai Ing-wen, the president of the Republic of China (Taiwan) in 2016–2024, is one of Asia’s most extraordinary female political leaders. A self-made woman who managed to enter politics independently – she was not born into a political family as is usually the case in East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia – and who succeeded in her presidency. Tsai has enhanced the global profile of her country and impressed the world by combating the COVID-19 pandemic in a model way. She has also skillfully handled delicate cross-strait relations despite Beijing’s growing assertiveness. Tsai and her presidency are important for several reasons; the one highlighted here is her role in enhancing and trying to modify Taiwanese nation-building. During her presidency, Tsai Ing-wen advocated a “Third Way,” officially called “21st Century Taiwan’s Overall Cultural Construction”, based on accepting both the Taiwaneseness and the heritage of the Republic of China and merging both of these features. In other words, it emphasizes Taiwaneseness while not rejecting Chineseness. This is an interesting and bold attempt to forge a compromised identity, but one with an uncertain future due to domestic and international variables.

Despite the distance, Ukraine and Taiwan share parallels in the domain of geopolitical struggle and identity issues. Both are experiencing an ongoing process of national identity strengthening and redefinition. External factors, such as Russia’s 2014 occupation of Crimea and the subsequent 2022 invasion of Ukraine and China’s increasing pressure on Taiwan, have shaped both Ukrainian and Taiwanese identities and people’s attitudes. On the one hand, this paper explores the transformation of Ukrainian identity in the wake of Russian aggression, focusing on how the invasion has influenced the strengthening of civic attachment among Ukrainians. On the other hand, we explore the development of Taiwanese identity in the context of growing distinctions from mainland China, primarily focusing on Taiwan’s ongoing democratization process and developing a self-confident national identity distinct from the mainland. The rise of Taiwanese identity coincided with growing sympathy for Taiwan’s independence. Additionally, we consider the evolving nature of civic and national identities, emphasizing their fluidity and adaptability in response to political and social complexity.