It is not surprising that subsidiarity is very often discussed with autonomy and federation (equally multidimensional concepts, similarly discussed in science). It is clearly evident taking into account, for example, results of analysis of the key words (tags) in scientific publications. The European Union has significantly contributed in popularizing of the concept so it is no surprise that strongly linked with EU's problems has become a central point of the discussion of its organizational structure and internal relationships between forming elements. It is difficult to imagine analysis of the conditions for implementing of subsidiarity in Germany without prior presentation of the state political system's solutions. Studying the structure and functioning of public administration enables to identify the place and role of the local government, to measure degree of independence of the local authority as a central point of discussion in relation to the subsidiarity.

‘The EU towards international criminal tribunals. Genesis, Concept and Practice of Cooperation’ is a study that focuses on the important research question of the broad and multi-aspectual problem of criminal tribunals on the international arena. This has been tackled in many Polish and foreign publications, however, to date no work has studied the EU cooperation with the three international criminal tribunals – two ad hoc ones and a permanent one. Therefore, it is necessary to recognise the ambitious and pioneering task and venture that the chosen research field is highly appropriate not only if one casts an eye at the monograph title, but foremost the case put forward in the introductory part.

The development objective of the article is to present in the last fifteen years the level of economic relations of Moldova and Ukraine with the Russian Federation and the European Union. In connection with this study it was covered by the value of the trade of Moldova and Ukraine with the European Union and the Russian Federation, as well as the volume of the foreign direct investments EU and Russia in the Moldovan and Ukrainian economy.

One of the most important factors affecting British politics is its membership to the European Communities (EC) and latter the European Union (EU), which has already had massive implications for this country. Th e relationship between Britain and Europe has always been problematic. In Britain there has been little enthusiasm for European integration per se, and equally little understanding of the enthusiasm felt on the continent. Europe has been seen as a menace rather than an opportunity and very few British politicians have attempted to argue (as is commonplace on the continent) about monetary union, for instance, it is the only way of regaining control over financial policy. The European idea of pursuing economic integration as a means to political union has also been met with blank incomprehension, if not outright hostility. Britain has always been attempting to slow down the process of integration and, consequently, has often fallen behind and had no choice but to catch up. However, the portrayal of Britain as a “difficult partner” or “laggard leader” in European affairs is only partly justified. Based on its specific understanding of national sovereignty, Britain has developed a much more pragmatic and instrumental approach towards Europe than most of its partners on the continent. Nevertheless, the country was a strong driving force in favor of integration in many crucial policy fields like the single market or trade policy. According to Alan Milward, the process of European integration entails “pooling” the sovereignty in order to protect national interests and extend national governments’ control of their own destinies. In Britain, contrary to the continent, national interests dictated a different line and it was only when exclusion from the Communities appeared to threaten them that the then British government began to accept the need for membership. The very different motivation behind British entry ensured that the British aims inside the Communities would be limited or “defensive”. The most controversial aspect of Britain’s membership of the EC has always related to “erosion” of its sovereignty. 

Each enlargement of the European Communities (EC) and later the European Union (EU) has had an indisputable in! uence on inner cohesion of the organization itself. The participants of the integration processes have included the countries deviating from the previous Member States by the level of the economic development, the structures of their economies, macroeconomic conditions, etc. This differentiation has taken its toll especially on the functioning and the expenses of common policies (mainly transfer ones) as well as the execution of the integration reinforcement plans such as the European Economic and Monetary Union. In this aspect the most serious consequences were caused by the admission of countries that were much weaker economically, especially Ireland, Greece, Spain and Portugal. These countries had to go through a long way of reforms in order to become rightful members of the organization and for their integration with the Communities to become a mutual success. A big part of the expenses connected with these reforms was financed by the common budget thanks to the structural funds and the Common Agricultural Policy.

According to Montesquieu tripartite system, formed in the European constitutionalism, the organs of authority, in a democratic state, affect each other in an inhibitory way, balancing mutually. Traditionally, it is understood that the executive power is performed by the Head of State (monarch, president) and government, legislative power belongs to the parliament, whereas the judicial power is exercised by independent courts. Analyzing the political reality of member states it is necessary to note, that the executive participates in the national legislative processes more actively, for example, through executing constitutionally granted right of legislative initiative (usually together with deputies), by issuing acts with the power of law, or incorporating Community directives into the internal legal order.

The book by Andrzej Antoszewski consists of three parts. The first of them is of a theoretical character. The author analyses the concept of liberal democracy, trying to present the problems connected with this issue. In the second chapter, he discusses the idea of a party as a political institution and presents how the social and cultural changes infl uence its activity. In a very interesting way, he describes the conditions in which political parties in Central and Eastern Europe were established. He wonders whether the diff erent circumstances in which they were formed have aff ected the way they operate and their mutual relations.

A study of the Euro-barometer performed at the end of January and beginning of February 2009 showed that not even 34% of the surveyed in all the 27 countries of the European Union declares the desire to cast their vote in the approaching election to the Euro-community. 15% of the respondents answered that they would de! nitely not vote in the coming election. The participation in the European Parliament Elections has fallen from election to election. This tendency persists and no signs of improvement of the situation can be seen. In 1994, 56.8% of the entitled to vote participated in the elections in all the member countries. Ten years later, only 45.6% of voters cast their votes. New member countries with low level of interest in European matters have considerably contributed to the fall in the level of legitimisation of the European Parliament.

European Union is nowadays facing one of its biggest challenges and opportunities since its foundation. An answer, which will be sent to Turkey, will bring overwhelming repercussions in wide and large Muslim world. e far-sight approach of European Council can open new stage in evolution of European identity. The European Union’s aim is a safe, secure and wealthy continent, capable to peacefully cooperate with other states.

Populism became a signi! cant factor of political debates in Eastern and Western countries of the EU and a new force in European party systems in the nineties. The frame for the discussion on populism is made by the representative form of democracy and responding to it dual system of media of communication. The popularity of populist parties and movements nowadays reflects the crisis of representative democracy. It is accompanied by the growing role of media in politics, which might be seen as the result of citizens’ dissatisfaction with the existing models of intermediation. The media also play a crucial role in the process of identity creation, at the same moment they illustrate the dificulty of defining identity anew.

Despite the fact that Switzerland does not formally belong to the European Union, it has always been strongly associated with the above organization at various levels. At first, after World War II, the contact was established with considerable caution which resulted from economic and trade contacts of Swiss government with Germany and Italy maintained during the war. First international contracts were related to the economic sphere and later on expanded by addressing the sphere of social issues such as legal system, culture, charity, science and education. At present, due to bilateral agreements, Switzerland has been integrated with the European Union even more than its newest Member States, i.e. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia, which confirms the significant flexibility of this Community as well as its great possibility to adapt to each of its Members.

According to the Swiss, the greatest obstacle preventing this country from joining the EU is the upholding principle of eternal neutrality, although the importance of which has decreased over the years, it has been deeply rooted in Swiss mentality. Moreover, another factor preventing Switzerland from joining the EU is its strong economy as Swiss membership would result in the need to pay relatively higher contributions than that of other Member States of the Community. Although the contacts between the EU and Switzerland have been significantly intensified, the prospect of membership still seems relatively remote, all the more as bilateral agreements as well as participation in the Schengen area since 2008 make both parties satisfied and for now none of them intends to seek new solutions.

The significance of multilateral treaties in the history of Europe

The article discusses the importance of issues of multilateral treaties in the history of Europe since 1945. It is when a large number of international organi­zations were launched, including those that were regional like European Com­munities/European Union. The author tackles the issues of multilateral agree­ments between countries and international organizations and the European Union, that have been grouped according to scope. Verification of the scientist problem resulted finding that multilateral treaties are undeniable urge to reg­ulate new areas of relationships, but they do not replace the bilateral relations between the countries. Evidenced by the increase in the number of bilateral agreements together with the increasing number of multilateral agreements.

EU financial perspective 2007–2013 and the directions of development of the community policies

The progressive process of European integration has shaped and developed the policy of the European Community. The structural policy meant the Commu­nity intervention in the economic structures of the Member States. This policy, however, did not include the Community interventions in a social structure. The concept of the regional policy appeared in the 30's of the twentieth century and it was used only at the state level. The cohesion policy for 2007–2013 has aimed at the increase of economic growth and employment in all regions and cities of the European Union. It has been implemented mainly by two structural funds, namely: the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), European Social Fund (ESF) and the Cohesion Fund (CF).

In the perspective of 2007–2013 the differences between the legal bases for the operations of the European Regional Development Fund and the Europe­an Regional Development Fund and the Cohesion Fund have been blurred. In November 2013, the European Parliament adopted a budget for 2014–2020. For the first time the multiannual financial framework for the EU will actually lower than the previous ones.

The paper explores the development of trade and investment relations between Poland and Armenia in conditions of EU membership and in the first year of Armenia presence within the Eurasian Economic Union. The aim of the study is to determine the changes in the size and structure of trade and foreign investment both partners, as well as the identification of key factors influencing the evolution of the Polish-Armenian cooperation in this regard. Armenia both economically and politically is the relatively minor significant Poland’s partner. In the analyzed period, one can observe an increase in bilateral trade, but the growth of value and dynamics of Polish exports was more stable than imports. Small foreign investment, both Polish in Armenia and Armenian in Poland, is the area with untapped potential of bilateral cooperation. Poland’s membership in the EU was one of the factors that positively influenced on the intensification of bilateral trade and investment relations. In turn, Armenia’s entry to Eurasian Economic Union leads to the prediction that it will be a determinant which would have negative impact on Polish-Armenian cooperation in the long-term. There are a serious risk that the new agreement between the EU and Armenia will not be able to significantly reduce the impact of that factor.

The article discusses the volume of trade between the countries of Central Asia and the EU and the FR with the degree of dependence. In the years 2000–2016 the foreign trade of the Central Asian states was affected by the shift from the Russian Federation market to the European Union market. This trend may be reinforced in the coming years due to the conditions of trade cooperation between the Central Asian region and the European Union, on the one hand, and between the region and the Russian Federation, on the other

The Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) enables European Union to take a leading role in peace – keeping operations, conflict prevention and the strengthening of the international security. It is an integral part of EU’s comprehensive approach towards crisis management, drawing on civilian and military assets. EU Battle Groups remain important for CSDP as the only military capabilities on standby for possible EU operations and as they are helping to reinforce the effectiveness Member States’ of military forces. EU Battle Groups are multinational, military units and form an integral part of the EU’s military rapid reaction capacity to respond to emerging crises and conflicts around the world. Therefore, Polish diplomacy actively acts in various forums (the Visegrad Group, the Weimar Triangle) to bolster the CSDP. Poland actively involved in the implementation of the CSDP through participation in EU Battle Groups.

This article focuses on the Central and Eastern European in the process of shaping their security relations. The aim of the paper is to present and analyze the evolution of security relations in the region under the aegis of the EU, NATO and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). The interplay of the institutions shows that the EU is not a single power in the European security system thus the maintenance of stable and peaceful relations depend mostly on cooperation between a number of institutions and groupings. The EU and NATO’ s role was central due to their policies of enlargement and the stabilization effects on third partner countries. The OSCE with its well promising position in Europe has been weaken due to decline of interests of major power states and its functions performed simultaneously by the EU and NATO. Both organizations have taken to a large extent the place of the OSCE.

  The objective of this article is to analyse the impact of the Spanish democratic transformation on its multilateral relations. It analyses the strategies of Spanish governments in the transformation era and the process of accession to NATO, the Council of Europe and the European Communities. Source analysis and criticism methods (applied mostly to Spanish- -language texts), as well as comparative analysis were employed for the needs of this article.
  Based on her research, the author concludes that changes to Spanish foreign policy were evolutionary in nature. Therefore, it took Spain several years to regain the full confidence of its partners. Before any breakthrough changes could occur in the multilateral dimension, Spain needed to normalise its bilateral relations.
  The democratic elections conducted on the 15th of June 1977 in Spain was the breakthrough without which no accession to any important international organisation could ever happen. As the event clinched the state’s democratisation, it paved the way for Spain to join soon the Council of Europe. The accession process for the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation was more complex. The Spanish political scene was divided in that matter. Spain’s accession to the European Communities was the longest process. It was subject not only to the state’s democratisation progress but also to economic issues.