European Union

  • THE NATIONAL SPECIALIZATION INDEX IN FOREIGN POLICY OF THE MEMBER STATES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AS A CONTRIBUTION TO THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY. AN INTRODUCTION TO THE NOTION

    The European Neighbourhood Policy as a constituent part of the European Common Foreign and Security Policy is the arena of continuous, inherent as it were, tensions among the ambitions of Member States wanting to play the largest role in the shaping of the European Union’s relationships with the surrounding world. A characteristic and obvious quality of this phenomenon is the fact that particular Member States’ interests in a given region in the neighbourhood of the European Union increases in proportion to its geographical proximity. This creates naturally the phenomenon of a group of Member States interested or specialized in the region of the Mediterranean Sea, the Black Sea or the Eastern policy. Simultaneously there exists a considerable group of Member States which, because of a considerable distance from a particular region, shows little interest and consequently a frequent lack of understanding of issues related to it. The objective of this article is to capture this phenomenon and to try to systemize it through the notion and methodology of the National Specialization Index.

  • MIGRATION CRISIS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES FOR POLISH-GERMAN RELATIONS

    Nowadays, migration of people on the territory of the European Union has become one of the factors determining Poland’s foreign policy and determining its bilateral relations due to the scale and dynamics of this phenomenon. Notwithstanding the fact that Poland, unlike other EU Member States directly bearing the costs of mass influx of migrants, is not a target country for migrants, the migration crisis associated with mass influx of people also indirectly affects the Polish reality. Emphasizing the implications of the migration crisis from the point of view of state security consistently strengthens critical opinions in Poland and at the same time determines the reluctance of the Polish society to accept immigrants (mainly from the Middle East and North Africa). The article focuses on the repercussions of the migration crisis from the perspective of Polish-German relations. The basis for this research area is, on the one hand, the role of Germany in the context of the migration crisis and, on the other, the presentation of different positions by Poland and Germany regarding the methods of stopping the inflow of migrants into the EU.

  • THE COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION – IN THE CONTEXT OF ‘HYBRID WARFARE’, ‘NETWORKS’, ‘SWARMING’ AND ‘CONSOLIDATED HYBRID DEFENCE’

    The aim of this paper is to present some praxiological remarks on the so-called Common Security and Defence Policy (earlier: The European Security and Defence Policy) of the European Union in the light of such terms as ‘hybrid warfare’, ‘networks’, ‘swarming’. The paper emphasizes the problem of consolidated hybrid security and defense.

  • POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND LEGAL TRANSFORMATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS RELATING TO NON-HETERONORMATIVE MEN IN GERMANY

    In the article below the authors analyse the political, social and legal revaluations of human rights relating to non-heteronormative men in Germany, from the rise of the German Empire (Zweites Reich) till contemporary times. What is important is not only a change in the mentality of the German society throughout the last hundred years, but also the fact that the legal system of the Federal Republic of Germany (Deutsche Bundesrepublik, BRD) was using a provision that had been created during the Nazi dictatorship and applied it to its own citizens. The authors of this article demonstrate that the social changes in the BRD in the second half of the 20th century were much faster than the amendment of the legal system; what is more, the BRD has not faced its Nazi past, failing to atone to homosexual men who had been persecuted on the basis of a Nazi legal provision, inherited and applied by a democratic state.

  • LANGUAGES - A TOOL IN THE HANDS OF NATIONALISTS AND GLOBALIST . THE CURRENT SITUATION IN EUROPE

    Article „Languages – a tool in the hands of nationalists and globalists – the current situation in Europe” is going to present the current problem that appears on the Old Continent in the area of using the case of knowledge of languages to present the political situation. In the current times nationalistic tendencies are staring to be more visible – by in example rising of popularity of conservative and right-oriented parties or growing up of nationalist movements that are using xenophobic slogans. By focusing on the procedure of applying for citizenship of one of the European Union’s country, and on the position of languages in he European Union it is possible to understand some processes that are appearing in the political area. By taking into account these tendencies it is also possible to take attention on the fact of development of position of the languages in the Europe.

  • THE POSITION OF EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ON THE MIGRANT CRISIS IN EUROPE

    The migrant crisis in Europe, which reached its zenith in 2015, made EU politicians realize the urgent need for a more effective migration policy that would rely more on supranational cooperation. Absence of this policy triggers migrant influx to Europe, in particular of unqualified labour force, and enhances illegal migration from which organized criminal groups profit enormously. Moreover, uncontrolled migration processes give rise to a number of social, economic, political and cultural problems all across the EU, and thus nurture the Eurosceptic mood. This leads to societal negation of the European integration project and provides fertile soil to the spread of radicalism and xenophobia. The aim of the study is to capture the position of European Parliament on recent migrant crisis. The Parliament, a democratically legitimate body, which claims the right to represent European societies, advocates adoption of systemic EU approach to migration which should be based on the respect of human rights and creation of legal migration pathways for refugees and workers needed by Europe. The solution of the present migrant crisis is sought by the EP in moving towards a common, comprehensive European immigration policy and enhanced solidarity of EU member states in response to increased influx of refugees from conflict zones.

  • Book review: Szymon Sochacki, Bośnia i Hercegowina 1995 – 2012. Studium politologiczne [Bosnia & Herzegovina 1995 – 2012. Political science study], Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2015, pp. 345

    REVIEW

  • COMMON FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THE COURSE AND NATURE OF THE CONFLICT IN UKRAINE

    The author shows the basic elements and tools for implementing security and defense policy of the European Union. She poses questions about the dependence of the Union’s policy and its impact on the conflict in Ukraine. The analysis of subsequent events enables to make conclusions and show irregularities. Two years after the bloody protests the analysis goes from hybrid war to creeping conflict.

  • THE EUROPEAN UNION ROLE IN RESOLVING THE ARMED CONFLICT IN THE WESTERN SUDANESE PROVINCE OF DARFUR

    The article outlines the role of the EU in resolving the armed conflict in the western Sudanese province of Darfur, and explains the important role played by the EU in its engaged in peacekeeping and that guided his condition, as well as how it actions and decisions were received by the Darfurians and the government in Khartoum. Unfortunately, the nature and progress of the conflict, and above all, the great ignorance of the region and the population, makes all attempts to resolve the conflict are ineffective. Through these years, the EU has introduced a number of resolutions, declarations and sanctions. All this was not only to save the life of hundreds of thousands of civilians, but also opposition to the regime and impact on its interests. Unfortunately, there was no general coordination of EU the actions, not only in Darfur, but also in the whole of Sudan. That resulting chaos in actions related to the quality of cooperation between the EU bodies. There was no close co-operation aimed at planning of aid from the United Nations, also because it was a kind of rivalry between EU and UN organizations who want to be seen as a major mediator in peacekeeping.

  • DISPUTE OVER EUROPEAN UNION AND EUROZONE CRISIS IN THE LIGHT OF SELECTED THEORIES OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION

    The study tackles the issue of applying respective theories of European integration to explain the processes occurring in the EU, and in particular, in the debt-wrecked eurozone. In the author’s view, the eurozone crisis revived the dispute over the shape of EU. On one hand, it is the supranational neofunctionalism and on the other, state-centric intergovernmentalism views clashing with one another. The author believes that the key theory that successfully explains the member states’ behavior in face of eurozone crisis is the intergovernmentalism theory. It assumes the primacy of nation-state and its interests in the process of European integration. This is particularly apparent in the time of crisis when supranational mechanisms typical of neofunctionalist theory serve solely the purpose of legitimizing national interests of the economically strongest EU members.

  • DAVID CAMERON’S ‘HUGE MISTAKE’ Closing of the United Kingdom Labour Market for Eastern European Immigrants from Polish and British Perspective

    Eastern European immigrants coming to the UK since 2004 (in 2/3 from Poland) by their amount of work have concurred to serious growth of the GDP. But simultaneously they have been burden for British welfare system (among others by taking benefits for family members living outside the UK) and taking job even for minimum salary what have caused growth of native British unemployment. In this situation Conservative-Liberal Government leading by David Cameron have decided to limit an access to the UK labour market by language knowledge tests and tightening social benefits policy to job seekers. With informal support of main opposition parties (i.e. the Labour Party and the UKIP) D. Cameron have taken risky game showing he has been able to fight for his nation’s interests even in spite of huge protests of Polish and other Eastern European countries politicians and against the European Parliament resolution of 16 January 2014. But when turning out into a defender of Britons’ rights he also has showed that there have been deep divisions between “old” and “new” Europe still after 10 years of the EU’s biggest enlargement in 2004.

  • RELATIONS BETWEEN THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE UNITED NATIONS - CONSIDERATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF INTERNATIONAL SECURITY AGAINST THE CASE OF AHMED ALI YUSUF AND AL BARAKAAT INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION

    The actions indicated above and taken by the United Nations and the European Union (in spite of their different international law status) argue that objectives attributed to international organisations are not only postulates, but a basis for actions taken specifically, both in the legal and actual dimension. Therefore, the main research objective adopted for this study was to bring them closer, with particular emphasis on the UN and the EU joint actions for international security. Due to the complexity and multifaceted nature of the discussed subject matter of these considerations, they will be confined to the T-306/01 Ahmed Ali Yusuf and Al Barakaat International Foundation case recognized by the EU Court of First Instance. In there, as in a lens, interrelationships between the international organisations in questions are concentrated; and not only in terms of international cooperation, but, more importantly, in terms of the principle of the primacy of the United Nations law over other legal regimes.

  • THE CHANGING EUROPEAN GAS MARKET AND THE EXPORT STRATEGY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

    Russian authorities have for years been proclaiming that in order to ensure energy security and to increase their economic presence in North-East Asia their priority is to diversify gas export and to increase cooperation with the Asia-Pacific region. Despite frequent meetings at interstate and business levels, and numerous formal – but no binding – agreements, no tangible progress in this regard has yet been made. This paper argues, from a game-theoretic perspective, that peril for Russian geopolitical and economic interests ensuing from both inception of EU energy policy and evolution of the European gas market has been one of the factors hindering Russian plans of eastbound gas export diversification.

  • UNEMPLOYMENT AMONG THE YOUTH - THE MOST CRUCIAL CHALLENGE IN THE SOCIAL POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

    Now, unemployment among young generation of the Europeans is one of the most crucial problems in the policy of European Union and of the Member States. The economic crisis caused social exclusion of the significant part of the youth who after graduation augments number of the unemployed. Young generation shows less interest in running own business. Fear of bankruptcy forcibly decreases economic activity. European Union for few years has been undertaking measures aiming at coordination of the systems combating unemployment in the Member States. In the same time, it has been developing programs supporting actions undertaken in various states in the field of creating jobs, vocational trainings and probations addressed to the youth. Lowering unemployment rate among the youth is one of the priorities of the strategy Europe 2020. European politicians think that unemployment may be decreased based on the active “knowledge triangles” in which education of various levels, employers and business institutions participate and act together. Economic analysts however underline that unemployment among the youth may be decreased only when global economic growth occurs.

  • COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THEORIES OF THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION

      The purpose of this article is synthetic analysis of the theories concerning the Security and Defence Policy of the European Union. Author analyses neorealist and neofunctionalist theories and marginally takes into account theory of liberal intergovernmentalism and new institutionalism theory
      Neorealists argued that in order to understand CSDP, one should look at the changing nature of the balance of power and the way in which member states sought profits coming from the negotiation process, which took place between European Union and NATO. Liberal intergovernmetalists, including Andrew Moravcsik, assumed that CSDP is a factor created and driven by the domestic policy of member states, although both NATO and EU institutions influenced this process. Neofunctionalists’ hypothesis assumed that CSDP is a result of the spill-over effect – consequence of the economic integration. They demonstrated, through economic analysis, the impact of economic and monetary union on the process of development of the European security and defence policy. In neoinstitutionalist theory, the emergence of the CSDP is explained by highlighting the impact of international institutions in the foreign policy of the EU and NATO member states.
      Above hypotheses have the objective of finding the causes of the CSDP’s emergence, but are also an attempt to answer the question what is the CSDP. Exitisting theories do not adress the whole issue comprehensively, because they are missing implication of links between supranational, transnational and intergovernmental dimension of CSDP, indicating only the conceptualization of evolution and the role of the various bodies at different levels, particularly in the theories of neoliberalism, neoinstitutionalism and intergovernmental liberalism.

  • The Position of the Principle of Respect for Constitutional Identity in EU Law

    The present article is an attempt to answer the question about the position of the principle of respect for constitutional identities of Member States and its impact on the application of EU law in the national legal order. For this purpose three areas will be considered.
    Firstly, the analysis of the principle of respect for national identity in EU law and in the case law of the Court of Justice will be conducted.
    Secondly, the principle of competence entrusted to the EU will be analysed, together with its interpretation at the EU level.
    Thirdly, the understanding of the notion of constitutional identity in the case law of Constitutional Courts of selected Member States will be considered.
    It proved that the principle of respect for constitutional identity is treated both at national and EU level as an integral part of the concept of “national identity”. The national identity has a broad meaning and refers to values that are cherished by a particular nation, which it considers to be an element distinguishing that nation from other nations. The constitutional identity narrows the scope and concentrates on the constitutional achievements, the expression of the legal culture and the achievements of the political thought of the nation, which were shaped by the history of a given nation. These two aspects jointly determine the position of the state and nation in international relations. The principle of respect for national identity is one of the constitutional principles of the EU. On one hand, it implies the EU’s duty to undertake activities which do not affect national identity, including constitutional identity, of Member States. On the other hand, it obligates it to ensure the diversity of Member States.

  • Principles and Procedures for Enacting Laws Adjusting Polish Law to EU Law

    The aim of the article is to present legal regulations and practice of adopting laws adapting Polish law to the law of the European Union. From the date of accession, the Republic of Poland is obliged to constantly monitor the law created within the European Union, to check the national provisions of law for compatibility with those of the EU and, if necessary, to adapt them to Community standards.
    The necessity to fulfill the commitments undertaken by Poland has resulted not only in the change of the law content, but also of the legislative procedures.

  • Understanding the Dispute over the Treatment of Products Exported to the European Union from the Occupied Territories in the Context of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership

    While the European Union (EU) does not recognize any legal Israeli sovereignty over the territories occupied by Israel in 1967, it does not grant preferential access to the EU market for goods produced in the Israeli settlements in this area, contrary to the preferential treatment for goods produced in Israel. This situation is different, however, as regards the United States (U.S.) trade policy, which does not make any distinction between goods produced in Israel and in the Occupied Territories, since it grants the preferential access to both. Furthermore, the currently suspended negotiations of the super-regional trade agreement called the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), spurred the enacting of a law that set the principal negotiating objectives of the U.S. regarding commercial partnerships, which included some provisions to discourage politically motivated economic actions against the State of Israel. As TTIP embraced the free trade agreement between the EU and the U.S., the EU differentiation policy could become problematic for the two partners, which despite the failure of the negotiations, revealed much about economic diplomacy. Consequently, this article attempts to show the different approaches adopted by the two trading powers, in order to deal with the dispute over the treatment of products exported to the EU from the Occupied Territories.

  • Israeli-Ukrainian Relations after ‘the Euromaidan Revolution’ – the Holocaust and the New Ukrainian Identity in the Context of the European Aspirations of Ukraine

    The Euromaidan revolution totally reoriented Ukraine’s policy in both internal and external dimensions. The new Ukrainian authorities facing Russian aggression and domestic instability started to build a new national identity in order to consolidate social cohesion. Due to the fact that Kiev’s new historical narrative glorifies the Ukrainian nationalists from the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) who contributed to the Holocaust of Jews and committed mass murders on the representatives of other nationalities, such a  policy may be a  serious obstacle in the context of Ukraine’s external relations. The present article investigates particularly Israeli-Ukrainian relations after the Euromaidan revolution. The article analyses the impact of the new Ukrainian identity on bilateral relations as well as attempting to answer whether or not it may influence Kiev’s cooperation with the European Union. The article contains a brief description of the new identity building process in the post-Euromaidan Ukraine with special consideration of those elements of it, which are related to “Ukrainian Nationalism”.

  • Członkostwo bez akcesji? Norwegia i Islandia a stosowanie prawa Unii Europejskiej

    Norwegia i Islandia to dwa państwa mocno zintegrowane z Unią Europejską (UE), pomimo iż nie są jej członkami. Przede wszystkim wynika to z faktu, iż są one zobowiązane do stosowania część prawodawstwa UE. Z jednej strony, jako członkowie Europejskiego Obszaru Gospodarczego, państwa te stosują akty prawa tworzące rynek wewnętrzny UE oraz akty odnoszące się do większości innych polityk UE zaliczanych w przeszłości do jej pierwszego filara; z drugiej natomiast, jako państwa stowarzyszone z systemem Schengen, podlegają obowiązkowi stosowania przepisów UE w zakresie przekraczania granic i azylu. Artykuł ten analizuje mechanizmy i procedury wykorzystywane w celu umożliwienia tym dwóm państwom stosowania prawodawstwa UE oraz mające gwarantować jego właściwe stosowanie. Rozpatruje ponadto zakres prawa UE, które Norwegia i Islandia zobowiązane są stosować oraz stopień wywiązywania się przez nie z tego obowiązku.

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