• François Hollande – a Hope for Change the First Year’s Balance of the Government at the Elysee Palace

    In the very first years of his presidency, François Mitterrand thought that he will really be successful on a day that another socialist was elected as a president of the Republic. This statement seemed to be prophetic with the victory of François Hollande, which took place 24 years after the victory of François Mitterrand and – after the sequential defeats of the Socialist Party’s candidates Lionel Jospin (in 1995 and 20022) and Ségolène Royal (in 2007) – allowed them finally to take the helm of the French government. The election of François Hollande was not a surprise. The very first opinion polls designated him as a winner showing the small popularity of Nicolas Sarkozy. Then one should estimate that the final electoral result obtained by François Hollande (i.e. 51.7% of the votes), from the point of view of the pre-election predictions of research institutes for the public opinion was a rather weak performance.

  • Compulsory Partnership Activities: the Biggest Challenges for Local Governments in the Local Democracy in France. The Case of the Implementation of the Local Directive on Advertising (RLP)

    The 5th French Republic was established after a period of parliamentary instability of the 4th Republic. It emerged from the concept of Charles de Gaulle, who presented its main ideas in his speech in Bayeux in 1946. As researchers indicate, the Constitution of the 5th Republic of 1958 met a wave of criticism after it came into force. For some it meant the introduction of the authoritarian political system in the state; others saw it as a system that will stabilize the situation in France and will prompt its development. It must also be noted that, although the French constitution has been amended a few times, its structure has never been questioned – even when some politicians changed their political stance and electorate. It is also worth pointing out that the critics of the existing political system focus on the excessive centralization of power in the executive bodies and on the minor role of public opinion in the formation of state ss policy. It should be noted here that until the constitutional reform of 2008, only the executive branch had initiated a referendum.

  • Cohabitation: the Parliamentary Aspect of the French Semi–Presidential System

    The political system of the French Fi€fth Republic is referred to as “semi-presidentialism”. This is is to indicate its mixed nature – of a system presidential and parliamentary at a time. The Constitution grants broad prerogatives – and assigns serious tasks to both the head of state – le Président de la République – and the chief of government – le Premier ministre. When the prime minister represented the pro-presidential political camp, the head of state gained very serious in! uence on governing the state and political strategy (first, when the French political scene was dominated by the right – 1958–1981; then by the le€ – 1981–1986 and 1988–1993; and finally by the right again 1995–1997 and since 2002). As early as during Charles de Gaulle presidency (1958–1969) the idea called domaine reservée came into existence. According to this political concept, the widelyinterpreted external policies – including foreign affairs and defence were recognised as presidential prerogatives, regardless the of literal construction of legal provisions. Relations within the executive changed radically with the end of political unity. During the so-called cohabitation French political practices were different and they ultimately led to an amendment of the Constitution.

  • The Convergence of Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in France: Analysis of Systemic Tendencies from the Perspective of Sixty Years of the Fifth Republic

    The paper deals with specific links between presidential and parliamentary elections in contemporary France. The main goal is to demonstrate that the timing of the two types of political events is a significant factor preserving the configuration of a pro-presidential majority fact as one of the possible variants of French semi-presidentialism. This raises the question of the role of both elections as instruments for controlling the process of setting up a space of political rivalry that could be perceived as optimal from the viewpoint of ruling camps. The author analyses possibilities to provide the convergence of presidential and parliamentary elections under the conditions of a seven-year presidential term as well as after its shortening to five years in 2000. Hence, of particular importance is the impact of some mechanisms used in this field on the institutional logic of the French political system. Specific application of constitutional tools and some normative changes introduced in previous years cause the extent of the aforementioned control to be now much greater than in the first decades of the Fifth Republic. Looking at the convergence of both types of elections from the perspective of the evolution of the existing political system, the author argues that it is legitimate to divide the whole period of the Fifth Republic into three sub-periods: 1. the absence of electoral convergence (1958–1981); 2. partial electoral convergence (1981– –2002); full electoral convergence (since 2002). Due to the acceptance of the pro-presidential paradigm, the latter formula is now definitely preferred and supported by legal regulations, which affects the flexibility of French semi-presidentialism (significantly reduced, but not fully eliminated, probability of cohabitation).

  • Muzułmanie we Francji – aspekty religijne i organizacyjne


    At the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first century, the problem of the Muslim minority in Europe became a significant problem in religious, social and political terms. In this publication, we present the characteristics of the presence of Muslims in France only in terms of religious and organizational backgrounds. By analyzing the first aspect, the importance of Islam as the second religion in terms of the number of believers in France is shown. The second aspect describes the characteristics of some important Muslim organizations in France.

  • Trzy Deklaracje praw człowieka i obywatela zmienne pryncypia Wielkiej Rewolucji Francuskiej

    One of the symbols of the Great French Revolution was the Declarations of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen-a document adopted by the National Constituent Assembly on August 26, 1789, collecting fundamental rights and the constitutional principles of a democratic state. It later became a lofty introduction to the 1791 constitution. The French had yet to receive two declarations, attached to the following basic acts-from 1793 and 1795. Their content was different, and even when some of their rights were repeated, they often differed in their approach, which indicated the changing ruling teams, their political programs, and their social background. In addition to indicating the differences between the three declarations, the article shows in particular the inspirations of the first (most important) of them-basically the influence of the Enlightenment thought and the declaration of the laws of the states of North America. The author draws attention to the differences between the American and French approaches to human rights. Despite the fact that after 1795 no further declaration of rights was ever made in France, the achievements of the Great French Revolution, and especially the 1789 document, remain today a point of reference for democrats in France and all over the world.

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