Russia

Czech-Russian Relations. Russian Disinformation Campaign

Author: Andrzej Jacuch
Institution: Military University of Technology (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1013-6107
Published online: 30 October 2022
Final submission: 24 July 2022
Printed issue: June 2023
Source: Show
Page no: 22
Pages: 145-166
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202250
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202250.pdf

After the beginning of the conflict in Ukraine and Russia’s annexation of the Crimean Peninsula, the Czech Republic became fully aware of the threats posed by the Kremlin despite President Zeman has denied the presence of Russian troops in Ukraine and has criticised the EU sanctions against Russia. Czechia belongs to the group of countries through which Russia influences the EU, to gradually and deliberately erode its structures. Russia exerts a strong influence on the Czech Republic by non-military means, including disinformation and propaganda, the activities of secret services, and penetration of its economy and specifically its energy sector. The article aims to answer the question about the role of Russian disinformation and propaganda in the context of Russian influence in the Czech Republic. The role of Russian disinformation and propaganda and how Russia influences Czechia is extensively analysed. The main hypothesis is that Russia treats the Czech Republic as a key state for espionage and disinformation activities and as a zone of influence, undermining the sovereignty of the Czech Republic and the role of NATO and the EU.

Evolution of the Methodology of Conducting Military Operations on the Example of the Clash of Two-Speed Civilisations During the Conflict in Ukraine 2014–2022

Author: Szymon Mitkow
Institution: Military University of Technology (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2845-2589
Author: Marcin Górnikiewicz
Institution: Military University of Technology (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1391-7841
Author: Ewa Sługocka
Institution: Team for Service in International Military Structures (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3151-4701
Published online: 10 November 2022
Final submission: 22 September 2022
Printed issue: 2023
Source: Show
Page no: 12
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202264
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202264.pdf

The difference in the methodology of conducting military operations by Russian and Ukrainian troops during the war ongoing since February 2022 is striking. It does not result only from the adopted convention of conducting these activities but is conditioned on a much deeper mental level resulting from cultural conditions. They determine the perception and understanding of the phenomenon of war. In other words, the operational and tactical methodology can be adapted to changing realities, provided that the essence of such a change is understood in terms of achieving the assumed military and non-military goals. Furthermore, these goals could be achieved by conducting military operations according to a completely different methodology, probably with much greater effectiveness. Why, in such a perspective, did the Russian side choose such a barbaric way of conducting war, characterising the methodology of military actions of the past decades or even centuries? This paper aims to answer the research question: What premises condition the Russian methodology of military action in the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2022? Empirical methods were employed to obtain an answer to this question.

World Responsibility to Act in Russia’s War Against Ukraine

Author: Brygida Kuźniak
Institution: Jagiellonian University (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8061-3274
Author: Ihor Zeman
Institution: Ivan Franko University of Lviv (Ukraine)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3252-6491
Published online: 20 October 2022
Final submission: 18 July 2022
Printed issue: December 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 10
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202247
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202247.pdf

The article aims to address the following question: in the case of a war in Ukraine, is public international law an obstacle to the application of combined international enforcement action within the framework of the collective security system under the auspices of the United Nations, or whether such impediments lie elsewhere? Russia’s presence in the Security Council as a permanent member, and thus endowed with the privilege of vetoing resolutions, paralyses this body. Therefore, the subject of the analysis is what other actions of the United Nations are permitted by law. It is important for assessing the status of the UN as a collective actor in international relations, the main objective of which, under Art. 1 of the UN Charter, is “to maintain international peace and security, and, to that end: to take effective collective measures for (…) the suppression of acts of aggression”. Bearing in mind the fact that international law is a consensual legal order, the article assesses its available compulsory mechanisms and instruments. The supplementary objective is to determine whether it is permissible to use the term “war” with regard to the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine.

Cele i założenia polityki Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec Białorusi w sferze naftowo-gazowej

Author: Arkadiusz Czwołek
Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
Year of publication: 2022
Source: Show
Pages: 79-103
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.74.05
PDF: apsp/74/apsp7405.pdf

Objectives and assumptions of the policy of the Russian Federation towards Belarus in the area of oil and gas

The aim of the article is to analyze the energy policy of the Russian Federation towards Belarus in 2015–2021. The article focuses on the issues of bilateral relations in the sphere of crude oil and natural gas. Russia uses energy tools towards Belarus in order to force it to deepen its political, economic and military integration. Russia also undertook the task of regulating the principles of further energy cooperation with Belarus.

Роль иностранного фактора в трагических событиях 1916 г.

Author: Джамиля С. Маджун (Dzhamilya Suleymanovna Madzhun)
Institution: Historical Sciences dunganovedeniye and sinology Center NAN KR Bishkek
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 103-112
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2016206
PDF: so/10/so1006.pdf

The role of foreign factor in the tragic events of 1916

In the early periods of the twentieth century a number of nations have strengthened the struggle for the redistribution of their states and to push out Russia from Central Asia, all this was used as a means by the organization of the uprising of the Muslim population.

Rola panturkizmu w relacjach rosyjsko-tureckich

Author: Jakub Potulski
Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 28-58
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2016102
PDF: so/9/so902.pdf

The role of Pan-Turkism in Russian-Turkish relations

The term Pan-Turkism refers to an intellectual and political movement advocating the union of all Turkic people. Pan-Turkism emerged among Tatars intellectuals in Tsarist Russia. In Tsarist Russia Pan-Turkism was in a part response to the development Pan-Slavism. At the beginning of twenty-first century Pan-Turkism became popular among the members of Committee of Union and Progress in the Ottoman Empire. After the Young Turks Revolution Pan-Turkism become a main political idea in the Ottoman state. The rise of a PAN-TURKISM as political movement is a phenomenon of the 19th and the 20th century. In this article author argues that the Pan-Turkism ideology still can be used by contemporary Turkey authority against Russia. Calling for a political unity and solidarity among Turkic groups can be a serious threat for Russian authority. The collapse of Soviet Union and the emergence of new Turkish states gave fresh hope many Pan-Turkists in Turkey, Caucasus and Central Asia. The annexation of Crimea, war in Syria and shooting down Russian aircraft by the Turkish army made hostile the Turkish-Russian relations.

Historia Czeczenii. Od podbojów mongolskich (1221 r.) po obecność armii rosyjskiej (1918 r.)

Author: Kamil Pietrasik
Institution: Wyższa Szkoła Studiów Międzynarodowych, Łódź
Year of publication: 2015
Source: Show
Pages: 68-84
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2015205
PDF: so/8/so805.pdf

The history of Chechnya. From the Mongol invasions (1221) the presence of the Russian army (1918)

The article presents the prehistory of the Chechen people. The author tried to present the most important aspects of Chechnya in order to thoroughly understand the origin and cause of the conflict between Russia and Chechnya, which took place in the eighteenth century and early nineteenth century, and already in the twentieth century.

Характерные черты отношений России с киргизскими племенами в конце XVIII–первой половине XIX века

Author: Вадим П. Яншин (Vadim P. Yansin)
Institution: Kirgisko-Rosyjski Uniwersytet Słowiański
Year of publication: 2014
Source: Show
Pages: 168-181
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2014210
PDF: so/6/so610.pdf

Characteristics of Russia’s relations with the Kyrgyz tribes in the late 18th and early 19th century

The author of the article describes Russian relations with the Kyrgyz tribes from the late eighteenth to mid-nineteenth century. The main objective of Kyrgyz legations sent at that time to Russia was to acquire certain material goods. In relations with neighbouring powers the elders of the Kyrgyz tribes were guided by several principles. Firstly, they wanted to maintain the position of the only ruler in their tribes and clans. Secondly, to this end, the elders shifted between neighbouring powers (Russia, China and the Khanate of Kokand). Thirdly, the Kyrgyz ensured that no one interfered in their relations with the Kazakhs, with whom they shared common confession (Islam). Up until 1840s Russian politics towards the Kyrgyz tribes essentially focused on protection of merchant caravans which passed through Kirgiz lands on their way to East Turkestan. In later time Russia sought to create from the Kyrgyz territory a buffer zone between itself, China and the Khanate of Kokand.

Iluzoryczne partnerstwo NATO–Rosja w okresie kryzysu i budowy mocarstwowości Federacji Rosyjskiej

Author: Łukasz Jureńczyk
Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
Year of publication: 2015
Source: Show
Pages: 187-207
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201511
PDF: siip/14/siip1411.pdf

Illusory NATO–Russia partnership during the crisis and building superpower status of the Russian Federation

The aim of the article is to analyze the relationship between NATO and the Russian Federation. Deliberations are conducted within the institutional and historical-problematic approach. The author characterizes the institutional framework for cooperation between NATO and Russia, as well as discusses the factors which are barriers to this cooperation. Therefore focuses on the most important issues of common interest of partners, such as the problem of stabilizing the security environment, the fight against international terrorism, the use of the armed forces in foreign policy, the process of NATO enlargement and the maintaining of strategic balance between parties. The Author is skeptical about the possibility of establishing a lasting partnership between NATO and Russia. He indicates the difference between the period of the 90s of the twentieth century, when was evident weakness and submission of Russia to NATO and the beginning of the twenty-first century, when is an attempt of rebuilding Russia’s superpower in a manner unacceptable by NATO.

Charakterystyka jednostki o charakterze autorytarnym (Erich Fromm), o osobowości autorytarnej (Theodor Adorno), o osobowości twardej (Hans Eysenck) oraz dogmatycznej (Milton Rokeach) i cechy wspólne dla tych konstruktów teoretycznych

Author: Paweł Przybytek
Institution: Badacz niezależny
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4694-6670
Year of publication: 2022
Source: Show
Pages: 322-358
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/cip202218
PDF: cip/20/cip2018.pdf

Characteristics of an authoritarian unit (Erich Fromm), with authoritarian personality (Theodor Adorno), with hard personality (Hans Eysenck) and dogmatic (Milton Romeach) and common features for these theoretical constructs

This article addresses the subject of Erich Fromm, Theodor Adorno, Hans Eysenck and Milton Rokeache theory characterizing personality particularly susceptible to the influence of authoritarianism, personality that combat democracy. In its first part there is the characteristics of these personalities, specifically authoritarian units (Erich Fromm), with authoritarian personality, hard personality (Hans Eysenck) and dogmatic (Milton Rozeach). The second part of this article is trying to find common features for these theoretical constructs. Mostly, however, it is a criticism of erroneous (in my opinion) thinking when creating these theories. I noticed that the creators of the majority of them not only describe personality types particularly susceptible to the influence of authoritarianism, but above all they condemn them. In practice, this comes down to attacking the extreme right. However, attention should be paid to several important issues that negate this attitude. With authoritarianism, only the right can be identified. The division of the right/left is not very sharp. In turn, authoritarianism does not always mean a lack of humanitarianism, intolerance, and persecution. Most of the above theoretical constructs indicate, in my opinion, it is wrong that the political features of a person acquire under the influence of the environment, the environment. However, they are not somehow inherited, genetically conditioned. In addition, I think that only a certain, smaller part of society has specific political views. And only among them there is a group of people with authoritarian tendencies. This part of a society that has unspecified political views can be a business – related political option, even authoritarian, if this option provides its benefits. The assumption that the political actions of society result from the internal features of individuals is another point with which it is difficult to (me) agree. In fact, the effectiveness of the ruling team decides.

Reakcja Turcji na agresję Rosji w Ukrainie

Author: Kinga Smoleń
Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 99-122
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2023.77.06
PDF: apsp/77/apsp7706.pdf

Turkey’s reaction to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine

The aim of the publication is to analyze Turkey’s reaction to Russia’s aggression towards Ukraine. The research will first identify the following independent variables which determine Turkey’s response to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine: the geostrategic importance of the Black Sea, the multidimensional cooperation between Turkey and Ukraine, the interdependence of Turkey and Russia, and the economic crisis in Turkey. Secondly, the strategy of the analyzed reaction will be discussed together with the justification for its choice. Third, the diplomatic, political, military, and humanitarian actions undertaken by Turkey in response to the war in Ukraine will be analyzed. A methodological assumption has been made, with which Turkey’s reaction to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine (the dependent variable) is conditioned by independent variables functioning simultaneously on two levels: the international system and the domestic system. Four research hypotheses will be verified in the article.

Założenia polityki zagranicznej Prawa i Sprawiedliwości wobec Rosji w programie wyborczym partii z 2019 r.

Author: Dominika Liszkowska
Institution: Politechnika Koszalińska
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6312-341X
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 39-55
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20233602
PDF: npw/36/npw3602.pdf

Assumptions of Law and Justice’s foreign policy towards Russia in the 2019 election program

This article presents the main assumptions and attributes of the Law and Justice (PiS) policy towards Russia, included in the party’s 2019 election program – “Poland – a model of the welfare state”. The article aims to answer the following questions: What policy assumptions towards Russia were presented by Law and Justice in its 2019 election program? What elements does PiS’s policy towards this state consist of? What are the features of this policy? What are the reasons for the approach and policy of PiS towards the Russian Federation? the 2019 PiS election program or subject to a qualitative analysis is the source and starting material for showing the main goals, elements and features of PiS’s foreign policy towards Russia.

Miasto Kirkenes jako stolica Regionu Barentsa i symbol rosyjsko-norweskiej współpracy transgranicznej

Author: Przemysław Sieradzan
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 279-288
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/cip201620
PDF: cip/14/cip1420.pdf

Kirkenes city as the capital of Barents Region and a symbol of Russian-Norwegian cooperation

The present paper is dedicated to small multicultural Norwegian city of Kirkenes, which because of its history and geographic location became a symbol of Norwegian- -Russian trans-border cooperation. The text is dedicated to the history of this Arctic city and the beginning, idea and realization of cooperation in Barents Region, which was initiated there in 1993 and the role played by the city in Norway-Russian bilateral relations.

The Council of Europe’s Attitude Towards New Challenges for Democracy, the Rule of Law and the Protection of Human Rights

Author: Jerzy Jaskiernia
Institution: Jan Kochanowski University in Kielce
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9401-5999
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 223-235
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2023.03.16
PDF: ppk/73/ppk7316.pdf

The Council of Europe plays a special role in promoting democracy, the rule of law and the protection of human rights. The events of recent years, and especially Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, have significantly changed the conditions for the implementation of the Council of Europe’s mission. The author analyzed, based on the resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 2473 (2022) “Strengthening the role of the Council of Europe as a cornestone of the European political architecture”, the activities of the Council of Europe aimed at seeking its role in the emerging new political architecture of Europe. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine may create conditions for a new look at the opportunities offered by the Council of Europe for European development and create a climate for intensifying forms of cooperation between European international organizations in the event of new threats to European development.

Współczesna propaganda rosyjska a wojna w Ukrainie

Author: Marta Labuda
Institution: Instytut Nauk Politycznych i Stosunków Międzynarodowych, Uniwersytet Jagielloński w Krakowie
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5327-9426
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 78-91
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm20230104
PDF: ksm/37/ksm3704.pdf

Contemporary Russian propaganda and the war in Ukraine

The article is an attempt to analyze contemporary Russian propaganda through the prism of the war in Ukraine. The purpose of the research is to assess the effectiveness of contemporary Russian propaganda in this area. The research was based on a qualitative methodology with the use of a source analysis strategy. Research showed the contemporary Russian propaganda has a significant impact on the perception of the war in Ukraine among Russians – although its effectiveness is showing a decrease.

Rynek pracy w Federacji Rosyjskiej – czy kobiety i mniejszości etniczne są równo traktowane na rosyjskim rynku pracy?

Author: Paweł Jarosz
Institution: Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie
Author: Wiktoria Bogacka
Institution: Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie
Author: Weronika Ciźla
Institution: Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie
Author: Julia Kupiec
Institution: Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 115-137
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm20230106
PDF: ksm/37/ksm3706.pdf

Already existing sources considering women and ethnic minorities in Russian Federation point out to the inequity in treating these groups on the Russian labor market. In the face of the COVID-19 pandemic and the recent war between Russia and Ukraine arises question whether situation of previously discriminated groups has changed? Not only this is crucial for considered groups due to the crisis caused by the pandemic but also due to growing needs of the Russian army and another crisis caused by international sanctions. In this paper authors using desk research describe already existing position of women and ethnic minorities on the labor market in Russia and answer the question whether these social groups are treated equally in comparison to other groups existing on the labor market. This article also presents analysis of potential change in the approach to groups considered in the presented research.

How the natural resource curse contributed to the autocratic developments in Russian politics since the fall of the USSR

Author: Dominic Serres
Institution: Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland
Author: Lotta Lehtosalo
Institution: Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 37-50
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm20230203
PDF: ksm/38/ksm3803.pdf

The natural resource sector has become a dominant part of the Russian economy and thus affected the political developments of the state greatly. Understanding of the interplay of Russian politics and economics after the fall of the Soviet Union is integral for understanding why Russia has developed steadily into a more autocratic direction during the past few decades. The phenomenon through which we will be analyzing the intertwining of political and economic spheres of Russia is the natural resource curse concept. We seek to understand what factors have contributed to Russia’s failure to avoid the natural resource curse and give examples on how the natural resource curse manifests itself especially in today’s Russia political reality. Does the abundance of natural resources contribute to the emergence of a hyper-presidential, autocratic regime in Russia?

Democratization and federalization. A comparative perspective between Russia’s and Spain’s early forays into a federal system

Author: Adrián Peñate Suárez
Institution: Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 51-61
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm20230204
PDF: ksm/38/ksm3804.pdf

Undoubtedly, Russia occupies a distinct position within the political landscape, differentiating it from Western democracies that themselves exhibit considerable variation. This uniqueness can be attributed, in part, to Russia’s geographic characteristics, encompassing diverse subdivisions characterized by variations in population, natural resources, territorial expanse, and distance from the central authority. However, what truly distinguishes Russia is its contemporary history and recent experiences with federalization— a framework that has defined its operations since it became the Russian Federation following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The objective of this paper is to analyze the distinctive features of Russian federalism in its early stages, employing a comparative perspective against the Spanish case, in order to ascertain the consequences of the legal, organizational, and territorial arrangements established during Russia’s early democratization period. The focus is to evaluate the implications of these changes on the establishment of a legally-binding democracy and a well-functioning federation, ultimately questioning whether Russia genuinely qualifies for either of these classifications.

Energy trade relations between Russia and China

Author: Sayaka Yamato
Institution: Jagiellonian University in Cracow
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 62-71
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm20230205
PDF: ksm/38/ksm3805.pdf

Economic relations between Russia and China have been growing over the years. Of particular importance in Russia-China economic relations is the gas and oil trade. Russia has the world’s largest natural resources, while China is the world’s largest energy consumer. In 2014, an agreement was reached to build a new gas pipeline and increase gas exports to China. If the planned volume of gas can be exported to China on a stable basis, Russia will be able to supplement some of the economic sanctions imposed by the West. However, there is much uncertainty as to whether China can be a stable export destination for Russia. There is a significant gap in the trade scale between Russia and China and asymmetrical dependence in the relationship between them. In addition, international pipeline projects have substantial financial and time costs, and the two countries; intentions sometimes differ. The purpose of this research is to clarify the current state of trade interdependence between Russia and China and to study whether China can be a stable economic partner for Russia. This paper consists of three main parts, with an introduction and conclusions. The first part explains an overview of trade and asymmetric interdependence between Russia and China. It then analyses the anticipated benefits and vulnerabilities of increased Russian gas exports to China. The third section investigates the uncertainties of China as a gas importer in terms of China’s dependence on Russia.

Role of North Caucasus in the security of Russian Federation

Author: Przemysław Sieradzan
Year of publication: 2015
Source: Show
Pages: 219-233
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/cip201516
PDF: cip/13/cip1316.pdf

Znaczenie Kaukazu Północnego dla bezpieczeństwa Federacji Rosyjskiej

The article is dedicated to the dilemmas of post-imperial statehood in the context of Russian Federation security, with the particular emphasis on the fundamental alternative: to maintain the polyethnic (quasi-imperial) model of state or to build a nation state. The Author defines the concept of „empire” from the point of view of three determinants: the concentric structure based on center-periphery dichotomy, orientation towards the external mission and imperial idea. From this point of view, Russia is an imperial state (contrary to Tsarist Empire and USSR), neither is a typical nation state. The Author tries to prove that The author tries to demonstrate that the abandonment of federal, multinational state model would be tantamount to the loss of strategically important North Caucasus, which would deprive it of a regional power status. The study contains a multi-faceted exploration of the North Caucasus (which is a highly turbulent region) as a key territory for the global dimension of geostrategy. The Author analyzes potential threats to North Caucasian security and actions taken by Moscow in order to prevent them. He pays attention to the growing popularity of slogans about the necessity of separation of Caucasus and Russia. In his opinion, Caspian-Black Sea Region would become a zone of global destabilization, posing a threat to the world peace.

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