The Visegrad Group (V4) is an informal, regional form of cooperation: Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. The article is about making intensify cooperation in the field of building energetic safety between four countries and a mechanism of cooperation with third countries in the “V4+” format, building energetic networking with countries outside Group, for example Croatia, Romania, Bulgaria. There were several political declaration about building market coupling to strength energetic safety. The documents sets out the conditions of cooperation in the fields of energetic safety and the reinforcement of energy security in the region. The main problem in the group is Russia. Hungary is seen as having taken a ‘special path’ with relation with Russia. The deal Hungary-Russia about blocks of Paks nuclear power covers constructing the new blocks and fuel supplies for increase Hungary’s energy independence. It could be against main aim of UE energetic policy to making one UE energetic policy, in the V4 group also. The perspective for V4 are not very optimistic because of different geopolitical interest of members Group in spite of political declaration for strengthening Energy cooperation.

In analyzing the mode in which Poland was settling its relations with Russia a deduction comes to mind that Poland remains under the spell of the syndromes which were either disposed of or dealt with by other European nations. Remaining is the challenge to solidify Poland’s position within the safety vault of heaven that is vouched by the West while establishing a pragmatic and rational and conflict free relationships with the East-Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and the Baltic countries, particularly Latvia. Thus, required is the ability to comprehend the Polish national interests, that is the Polish raison d’état, in a realistic and rational manner within the limits of the existing geopolitical situation of the competition, securing sustained competitive advantages, entering into alliances or compromises and making a long-term option.

The competition of Western states and Russia for influence in the area of Central Asia has a long history. Located in the centre of the continent, the Central Asian region is a kind of link between China and the countries of Southeast Asia, Afghanistan, the Middle East and a number of Islamic countries in the south, the Caucasus, Turkey, Europe and Russia – to the west and north. The beginning of the current development of the geopolitical situation in Central Asia falls on time of disintegration of the Soviet Union and emergence of independent republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. The presented article describes the geopolitical situation of the region.

The France on the international stage, with Russia can be changed while in the field of energy, trying to benefit from mutual cooperation. This comes from the desire of France to ensure the security of gas supplies, supply diversification, the strengthening of French companies in the field of energy in the European Energy market. France pursued a policy based on the security of supplies from sources of imports under long-term contracts. In addition to security issues and important economic role played by political issues. France is more active cooperation in economic matters and issues of energy security between Germany and Russia. Doesn’t want to be completely excluded from cooperation in this area. Offer Russia the possibility of buying some military technology and nuclear missiles, which can Germany offer.

The competition of Western states and Russia for influence in the area of Central Asia has a long history. Located in the centre of the continent, the Central Asian region is a kind of link between China and the countries of Southeast Asia, Afghanistan, the Middle East and a number of Islamic countries in the south, the Caucasus, Turkey, Europe and Russia – to the west and north. The beginning of the current development of the geopolitical situation in Central Asia falls on time of disintegration of the Soviet Union and emergence of independent republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. The presented article describes the geopolitical situation of the region.

To 1654 Ukrainians were creating one country with Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, but at the same time they were feeling as a second class citizens. For this reason in XVII century with the help of neighbouring Tsardom of Russia they’ve started the uprising and detached themselves from Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth without creating new country. Instead according to the council of Pereyaslav from 1654 they choosed to be under rule of the Tsardom of Russia. After the mentioned council Republic of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth become weakend to the benefit of Tsardom of Russia. From this moment on Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth have been in decline to the point when in XVIII century they lost their independance. After the First World War when Poland regained freedom under Józef Piłsudski an attempt was made to create an Alliance of independent countries lead by Poland as reaction to the Russian imperialism. The alliance called “Intermarium” included: Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Belaruse as well as Finland and Romania. To make the idea succesful Ukraine needed to be created but the idea failed to succeed. Instead independent Ukraine was created after the dissolution of Soviet Union even so Ukraine was still under immense influence of Russia. In 2014 Russia annexed during the war with Ukraine part of it – Autonomous Republic of Crimea. Till then Russia is trying to detach eastern provinces Ukraine. It is obvious that diplomatic relations between Russia and Ukraine became frozen. For this reason Poland and Ukraine may have opportunity to ally with other countries from region to stand against russian imperialism.

2014 was a breakthrough year. Ukraine’s crisis of 2013–2014, February 2014 revolution which removed Viktor Yanukovych and his government, annexation of Crimea by Russia, war in Donbas caused changes in the geopolitical map of the world. The crisis had many effects both domestic and international. Author argues that the crisis is a part of the wider changes on the geopolitical map of the world. The main effect of the crisis is that Ukraine was transformed into shatterbelt – regions that are both deeply divided internally and caught up in the competition between Great Powers.

The geopolitical situation of Ukraine and the threats of the modern world, such as international terrorism, organized crime, illegal emigration, as well as international and internal conflicts necessitate conducting an effective foreign policy and national security policy. Choosing the vector of its foreign policy, Ukraine also made a choice of the concept of its national security. The analysis of the concept of national security of Ukraine in the years 1991–2012 allows to verify the thesis put forward in the introduction of the paper that the evolution of the concept of the national security policy in a significant way mirrors the evolution of the foreign policy of Ukraine. Both the security policy and the foreign policy can be described as having multiple polarity, balancing between the Euro-Atlantic and the Euro-Asian spheres of influence.

Gaining by Syria independence from France in 1946 and the rise of the State of Israel supported by Western countries, which from the beginning was in the political and military conflict with the Arab states, created for the Soviet Union the new possibilities of the political game in the Middle East. From 1955 to 1991, USSR became the main supplier of conventional arms to Syria (displacing the United Kingdom). In the years 1955–1991 Syria bought in the Soviet Union arms for $ 34.6 billion in SIPRI trend indicator values , which accounted for 8.04% of the value of the total Soviet arms sales during this period. After the collapse of the USSR cooperation in this regard was continued and throughout the years 1992–2012 Russia remained the main and dominant arms supplier to Syria, though not on this scale as earlier. However, especially the 90s of the twentieth century meant a huge setback in comparison to the previous period – then delivery has been completed of diesel engines for the modernization of tanks ordered in Soviet Union, and 3,000 antitank guided missiles were ordered in Russia. In the years 1992–2012 Russia has sold Syria arms for $ 1.254 billion SIPRI trend indicator values , which accounted for 1.21% of the total sales of Russian arms and weapons of 103.393 billion $.

The main aim of this article is to describe the system of higher education in Russia. Moscow is the biggest academic center in Russian Federation. There are about 60 universities. The largest and most popular are Moscow State University, The Pushkin State Russian Language Institute, International University in Moscow and Moscow State Institute of International Relations. They are two levels of higher education in Russia – Bachelor’s degree (4 years) and Master’s degree (2 years). Both could be obtained while studying full-time or part-time. After that, there is a possibility to finish postgraduate studies. Russian universities cooperate with many foreign educational institutions (including Polish universities). Not only do students have the opportunity to leave in Moscow but also study at Russian academies, for example, Pushkin State Russian Language Institute, Moscow State Institute of International Relations and Diplomatic Academy.

Higher education in Moscow is affected by various problems. One of them is a decreasing level of education. In fact, students do their specializations, however the level of their general knowledge seems to be low. Furthermore, the education is commercialized since everyone would like to receive a Master’s degree. It suggests that in the near future not only will Russian society have a bigger cadre of professors but also more business and financial universities.

The aim of this article is to present the eastern policy in conceptions of Stronnictwo Konserwatywno-Ludowe (SKL). Stronnictwo was established in 1997 as result of uniting such political parties as Partia Konserwatywna, Stronnictwo Ludowo- Chrześcijańskie and the group of Members of Parliament from Unia Wolności. The youth organisation of SKL was Młodzi Konserwatyści AWS. Stronnictwo is categorised as a postsolidarity and conservative party. In the field of the eastern policy, SKL appealed to historical geopolitical conceptions: the Promethean conception, the political thought of the Parisian „Kultura” and indirectly to ideas of Adolf Bocheński. The party believed that independent Ukraine had fundamental meaning for the security of Poland. In the opinion of SKL Russia returned to imperial policy towards the states of the Central and Eastern Europe. The accession to NATO and the European Union was supposed to be a chance for Poland, which could become the creator of the EU eastern policy in this way. The members of the party and the youth organisation to cooperated also with the opposition in Belorussia, for example Białoruski Front Ludowy.

On February 3, 2014, the American task force, including the command ship USS „Mont Whitney” entered the Black Sea. The ship was a flagship during the last few military operations of the USA on the Mediterranean Sea for example against Libya or in the area of Syria. The American task force appeared on the Black Sea without giving the official reason. It is possible that it happened in frameworks of anti - terrorist operations by the way of the Olympic Games in Sochi but it is also possible that it was to support Georgia and to represent American political interests.

Article is devoted to the analysis of relations between Russia and the Polish in the 90ies of the 20th century. The author comes to the conclusion that it was not an easy time for formation of the relations between the countries on the foundation of the principles of partnership and democratic. Considering different geostrategic interests of both countries and the heavy historical heritage it’s hard to talk about harmony.

The Polish Political Science Yearbook invites all scholars, researchers and professionals to participate in the 7th PPSY International Seminar "Security in Central Europe: Confronting Uncertainty?" which takes place in Toruń (Poland) on April 24, 2018. The conference supports a special section of the current Volume 47 of 2018 of the journal and its objective is to discuss challenges of security and stability in Central Europe and to present current advancements in regional security studies.

Deadline for application: April 6, 2018, with the Online Form.

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The “right to truth” relates to the obligation of the state to provide information about the circumstances surrounding serious violations of human rights. Despite its increasing recognition, the concept raises questions as to its scope and implementation as well as its existence as a free-standing right. Similarly, “memory laws” relate to the way states deal with their past. However, there are certain „memory laws” that, while officially serving as a guarantee for accessing historical truth, lead to its deformation. As a result, an “alternative” truth, based on the will of the legislators, is being imposed. In this article, the authors elaborate on the general nature of the new legal phenomenon of the „right to truth”, as a tool of transitional justice, in particular in the context of both providing and abusing historical truth by the legislators, through the instrument of “memory laws”.

The object of the article are aspects of penitentiary system of Russian Federation based on two pints of view: Polish and Russian. The aim is to highlight the essence, the content and range but also conditioning and tendencies for changes in the context of international ambitions and role of Russia but also widely knowing term like security of nation I case of penitentiary system of such country. Popularised and worked out in 2006 by European Prison Rules (Recommendations Rec (2006)2) the idea of normalisation, meaning minimalization some effects of imprisonment, will have a long way to find appropriate using in Russian penitentiary practice, which is directed mostly on giving a penalty for somebody. It is such seen both by the society and the government. The most accurate opinion is management policy of Federal Prison Service became as it were the model of country in which monopoly to rule belong to weight structures. In all, there is no humanisation of current justice, because the cult of prison is constantly observed and judicial reform transpired strongly illusory. The lack of control for penitentiary system by the social organisation is the effect of many omissions. In the source literature is appeared many opinions that in Russia the prison culture permeated to the every spheres of life.

The article describes the politics of memory of the Soviet Union in post-soviet Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan (1991–2016). The analysis is based on the following documents: Presidents N. Nazarbaev and I. Karimov statements, their publications, the politics of commemoration and historical education in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan after 1991. Author tries to compare two national historical narrations over the Soviet regime and argues that Uzbeks and Kazakhs were used two different approach of criticism of soviet colonialism, related to their foreign policy towards Russia

In 2006 Dimitry Trenin stated that Russia left the West and began to work on creation of her own sphere on influence. The area of Russian activity in particular was the post-Soviet zone where Moscow wanted to rebuild their dominant position. Sergey Karaganow added: “Moscow has realized that she neither wants to nor she can afford to integrate with the West on the conditions proposed by the West – the type of integration without the right of veto”38. Alexander Dugin, an Euro-Asian ideologist claimed: “We proved that we did not give a damn about NATO and we were not afraid of it. We have the nuclear weapon and we are ready to use it. Russia crossed the line from which she can not withdraw anymore. This is a course for the revival of Russian sovereignty and the position of regional power – in practice, not just in words”39. The above quotations reflect the Russian attitude to the NATO and show the role of this organization for Russia. Undoubtedly, the Alliance is perceived by Russia as a threat and a rival. The reasons of such perception are primarily the Alliance’s claims to play the role of a “guardian” of global peace, attempts to interfere in the area recognized by Russia as her sphere of influence, strengthening the position of NATO in Eastern Europe and project of development new defence technologies such as missile defence. Since the 90s Russia consistently has been trying to undermine the importance of NATO and to put it into the frame of international structures of security governance. In 2010 minister Sergey Lavrov argued that NATO is a relic of a bygone era and should be subjugated to the principles of the UN Security Council.

The paper Politics of Russia and security of Eastern Europe after 1991 examines the impact of policy on Russia after 1991, the safety of Eastern Europe. The author focused on activities of Russia to Ukraine and the Caucasus at the beginning of the 21st century. In that time is the activation of Western policy in the region. NATO turns out logistical support of the region’s States in the reconstruction and modernization of the armed forces. Russia’s response to the aggressive military action, the effect of which was the war with Georgia in 2008 and annexation of Crimea in 2014. It takes place now hybrid warfare with the Alliance and consolidated at the same countries such as Ukraine. The escalation of the aggressive actions of Russia threatens regional and delay the integration of Eastern European States with the European Union.

In 1725 Fontenelle, a French writer, philosopher and member of the Académie des sciences, wrote Éloge du Czar Pierre Ier to commemorate the recent death of Peter the Great and at the same time to glorify the reforms undertaken by the late Russian Czar to modernize his country. By virtue of this text Fontenelle succeeded in creating the Petrine myth, subsequently popularized in France by other outstanding figures of the French Enlightenment infatuated with Russia, which in the course of the eighteenth century was undergoing unprecedented socio-political transformation. Our article aims to show how Fontenelle constructed this myth and what rhetorical devices he employed to advance and later to promote it in France of his times.