W artykule zaprezentowano formułę rosyjskiego oddziaływania propagandowego jakiemu państwo rosyjskie poddaje obywateli Białorusi. Wskazano cele i grupy docelowe tego oddziaływania, dokonano oceny ich efektywności oraz przedstawiono możliwe formy reakcji, mającej na celu przygotowanie Białorusinów do umiejętnego dostrzegania działań mających na celu dezinformację, manipulację i kształtowanie opinii publicznej zgodnie z rosyjskimi celami politycznymi.

The paper presents the results of research conducted among Russian Roma children. Two groups of children, 6-8 years and 8-10 years old, were tested with a Romani Language Assessment Test. The study was conducted in a Roma settlement of a small town not far from Moscow. The children were tested on different grammatical categories in Romani as their home language. The grammatical knowledge of the children about their home language is not considered to be used by the Russian teachers in classroom. The frame of Cummins (2015) “teaching through an intercultural lens” is taken as the starting point of the research. The research results showed that the Roma children at the age between 6-8 years know the most complex grammatical categories of Romani as their mother tongue, however children’s knowledge is not used by the teachers at school environment teaching Russian. There are no lessons in Romani as the mother tongue strengthening the children’s linguistic and cognitive abilities.

This paper uses the case of Kyrgyz Republic to analyze two competing views concerning the role of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The realist view claims that the EAEU is a tool of Russian hegemonic power over its region of infl uence and interprets is as a primarily political rather than economic organization designed to serve Russia’s national interests at the expense of those of other members. The liberal institutionalist view, on the other hand, sees the EAEU as a new regional organization of economic integration that is benefi cial for all members. Analyzing the case of the participation of the Kyrgyz Republic in this union makes it clear that it is still too early to determine which perspective is correct as there is evidence in support of both.

Russia is a state with a multi-ethnic federal structure inherited from the USSR. Implementing an ethnic policy that would unite and integrate its citizens is one of its most important goals. Among Russia’s federal subjects are also national republics pursuing their own ethno-political concepts, either conciliatory or conflictual. Tatarstan and Chechnya are examples of such republics. With the use of the comparative method, the article is an attempt at demonstrating many factors that have an impact on the shaping and implementing of the ethnic policy through such criteria as the status of the republics, the concept of the nation, and ethnocentrism, historical memory, the role of Islam and its politicization, and the language policy. The article also outlines their consequences and possible future scenarios.

Russia's hostile actions against the Estonian state structures take the form of soft power, which can be observed in such areas as the activities of the Russian-speaking minority, media coverage, or through the use of coercion when it comes to fuel sales. This article presents qualitative methods of measuring Russian influence on Estonia. An observable trend in international relations is replacing hard power with soft power, commonly used against states within the sphere of interest of certain geopolitical entities. It is more difficult to identify the latter and prove it results from an aggressor's deliberate actions. Information warfare, including disinformation and propaganda, is one of the means Russia uses to exert political influence. By accepting the offer of a political and military alliance with the Western world, the Baltic States have become a threat to the Kremlin's imperialist aspirations. Russia's direct military actions against Estonia and the other Baltic states would have provoked a strong reaction and could even have led to military confrontation. However, the Russian government wishes to avoid it and, for the time being, limits itself to soft power measures.

The 1993 Russian constitution has been amended many times. The largest amendment was carried out on March 14, 2020. However, this is not a revision of the Constitution. The amendment includes changes strengthening the constitutional position of the President of the Russian Federation, correcting the federal system and the legal status of the bicameral Parliament and the Government of the Russian Federation. A new constitutional body was introduced, the State Council of the Russian Federation, and, for the first time, a provision on faith in God was introduced. Russia’s right not to recognize rulings and decisions of international bodies contrary to the Russian Constitution and the right to support compatriots living abroad in the exercise of their rights to protect their interests were enshrined. The amendment to the Russian Constitution is of fundamental importance for the policy pursued and the implementation of Russia’s national security strategy.

The Jewish community in Chechnya and Dagestan. Historical view

The author proposed a text in which he showed the most important events of Jewish people in Dagestan and Chechnya. Author showed statistics the number of Jews in the late years too and problems between Jewish and Chechens, other citizens in Dagestan.

History usurpation as a method of the information and psychological fight of Russia against Ukraine

In the article, the authors analyze the activities of Russian Federation, which falsifies, rewrites, substitutes concepts, deals with the heroization and deheroization of some outstanding historical figures and appropriates the historical past of the Ukrainian nation, arguing that Ukraine is an integral part of Russia’s history and its cultural space. The aim of the article is to analyze the usurpation and falsification of history as a means of war, including information war of Russia against Ukraine.

Labor migration from Central Asia to Russia during the COVID-19 pandemic

Like most countries in the world, the Russian Federation has also been struggling with the coronavirus pandemic that causes the COVID-19 disease since the beginning of 2020. The pandemic has harmed many areas of life in Russia, including social, demographic and economic issues. The changes also affected the labor market, which to a large extent is shaped by economic migrants from Central Asia. The situation of the economic migrants themselves has also changed significantly. Many of them lost their jobs, especially in the first half of 2020. Due to sanitary restrictions and the closure of borders, the number of Central Asian residents who decided to leave for Russia has significantly decreased. Experts emphasize that economic migrants make a significant contribution to the development of the Russian economy and the economies of Central Asian countries. This article aims to present how the Covid-19 pandemic influenced the shape of economic migration from Central Asia to Russia in the context of changing employment conditions and the socio-economic situation, both in Russia and the countries of the region.

A retrospective of bilateral economic relations between EU and Russia

The European Union and Russia are different in economic terms. In opposite to traditional Russia, the EU is a new type of international community. Both sides are both partners and rivals aware of their addiction. The rivalries result from the collision defending Russia’s sphere of influence and the aspirations of the enlarging Union. The Union’s goal is to develop not only through deepening cooperation, but also by admitting new members to the community. The Russian Federation in the development of the EU sees a threat to its superpower position, and this is also the result of actions aimed at inducing disintegration in the EU, because the divided Europe is a weak Europe.

The article sheds light on the nexus between higher education and foreign policy. International higher education has become an increasingly prominent element of some states’ policies towards other countries as a flank to traditional foreign policy. It has occurred in Central Asia, where the European Union, China and Russia are all supporting teaching, research and capacity-building activities in the tertiary sectors of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Although they employ similar tools and instruments, the assumptions and visions underpinning their respective strategies diverge. Russia’s strategy is shaped by historically informed identity factors and the impulse to entrench predominance in the post-Soviet space, whilst China uses its support for higher education as a soft infrastructure for its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Meanwhile, the EU has integrated higher education into its strategy for the region, which aims at drawing Central Asia closer to its orbit through democratisation and the rule of law.

EU – Ukraine: Around Kiev’s European Aspirations. Selected Aspects from a German Perspective

The goals of the article are to discuss Ukraine’s aspirations for rapprochement with the European Union, especially after the „Orange Revolution” in 2004, and in the context of the conflict with Russia over Crimea and eastern Ukraine that began in 2014. In addition, to outline of Germany’s position toward the conflict and Ukraine’s relations with the EU. The author attempts to resolve the problem of Ukraine’s chances of joining the Union in a predictable perspective. First of all, scientific and press publications, as well as European Union documents were used.

Mother of God, Banish Putin. Feminists Against Authoritarianism in Russia

The events that took place in Russia at the end of 2011 – the rigged parliamentary elections and the nomination of Vladimir Putin as presidential candidate, his return to the Kremlin after four years, caused numerous protests on a previously unknown scale. According to various estimates, tens of thousands of dissatisfied citizens took to the streets of Moscow. They were led by Alexei Navalny and Boris Nemtsov, who was later murdered in 2015. The public support of the authorities and the condemnation of the protesters by Patriarch Cyril – the head of the Russian Orthodox Church, was met with a reaction from a now outraged society. On February, 21 2012, the famous feminist group Pussy Riot, staged a performance in the building of the Council of Christ the Saviour in Moscow. The performance was to be a form of protest against the informal alliance of „the throne and the altar”. This informal alliance has been present in Russia for many years, it obliges both sides to mutual support, especially in times of crisis. The trial of the three members of the Pussy Riot group – Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Ekaterina Samucevich and Maria Alokhina was strictly political, despite strict efforts of judges and prosecutors to change its character. Under the pretence of offending religious feelings, a political lynch was carried out against the three women. The real reason for such harsh actions, was disobedience against the head of the Russian state and standing in opposition to the authoritarian form of government. The phoney trial was treated as a warning to the system’s opponents, for them to think twice before undertaking any actions against the state authorities. Pussy Riot’s performance and its consequences have provoked many questions about the condition of the rule of law in Russia and the durability of Vladimir Putin’s regime. The article describes the earlier activities of Pussy Riot, background of the events preceding performance in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, a trial and the world’s response to the verdict. The research area durability and stability of political system in Russia during the presidency of Vladimir Putin and what it guarantees. The main hypothesis is the assumption that any manifestation or insubordination to the existing order in Russia is treated as an affront, and every person undertaking such action must be severely punished and stigmatized. The research method used in the article is an analysis of written sources.

Essay About The Province (Notes About the Lack of Power in Modern Russia)

In this article, the author using sketches of Russian culture, tries to understand, how institutions of power can function in the Russian province, and how they can be perceived by the society. The power is distributed unevenly, and this has a full effect on its deficit in relation to provincial political discourse. The Russian example is not an exception. From the author’s point of view, modern practices may have significant cultural grounds, hiding in a special relation to the province, which traditionally accompanied political discourse. The author sees this attitude in various sketches from the texts of Aleksandr Pushkin, Andrey Platonov, Anton Chekhov, Ivan Bunin and other Russian classics. The author’s interpretation of the problem required an appeal to the theoretical works of political philosophers, such as Giorgio Agamben, Albert Camus, Niklas Luhmann, Michel Foucault and Max Scheler. The author believes that in the space of the Russian province there is an objective deficit of institutions of power, which speaks, on the one hand, of a certain disregard for the province, and, on the other hand, testifies to the strength of resistance to local initiatives and legal nihilism that has become part of the political philosophy of the Russian provincial. In turn, the provision of a person to himself, affects a fairly critical attitude toward the political power. A person is not more capable of trusting the authorities and seeking support from them. His being increasingly assumes an existential character. The policy of the federal government in modern Russia gives rise to serious gaps between the center and the province, which can forms affect the specific perception of power itself, and also affects the formation of anarchic attitudes.

“American exceptionalism and historical themes in Joe Biden’s selected 2022 speeches on war in Ukraine” is a study of three 2022 speeches given by the United States of America in context of Russian aggression on Ukraine. An author’s goal is to establish does Joe Biden’s speeches contain any remarks on nationalistic idea of American expectionalism in context of war in Ukraine and what is the correlation between contents of addresses and its audiences. The paper was written to prove that motives and themes such as American expectionalism, Manifest destiny and Pax Americana are present in remarks even if their topic is European Affairs. In terms of relation contents-audience, research was conducted to determine what relations there are and what influence them.

The Ideas of Jadidism in Contemporary Russia

The development of the Muslim religion in the Russian Federation is undoubtedly a very important and, at the same time, interesting element influencing the contemporary socio-political situation in Russia. One of the most important components of religious revival in this country was the change in the Russian Muslims’ attitude to issues related to religiosity. In the conditions of religious pluralism, Muslims in Russia, scientists, thinkers, and publicists often refer to the intellectual output of Russian Muslim socio-political activists whose activity took place at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The article aims to show how the jadidism movement is being received in contemporary Russia. Nowadays, the ideas of jadidism are also the pretext for discussing the nature of Russian Islam and its future.

The Impact of Closed Administrative-Territorial Units on the Economic Development of Russia

The main goal of this article is to present the impact of closed administrative- territorial units on the economic development of Russia. Moreover, the paper contains information on the functioning of science cities in the Russian Federation and presents information on the financial results of the company Norylski Nikiel.

Land Operations at Port Artur at the End of July 1904 During the Japanese- Russian War in “Goniec Poranny” and “Goniec Wieczorny”

The paper discusses ground troops’ actions during the Russo-Japanese War’s siege of Port Arthur, as shown in “Goniec Poranny” [Morning Messenger] and “Goniec Wieczorny” [Evening Messenger]. First, the author presents the conflict’s background and the aspects he will discuss. Then, he presents what could be learned from the newspaper about Japanese assaults taking place in July 1904. The author highlights disinformation present in the newspaper, especially concerning the battle course. Following that, the author describes casualties of both sides of the conflict – noting that these are not in line with what historians found out, often being times higher than in reality, although there are some exceptions on the Russian side. Following that, the author discusses civilian escape attempts during the siege – a matter not present in the literature. Due to the inclusion of this section, the reader can take a look at the battle from a different perspective. In the article’s final part, the author summarises opinions of the people of conflicted sides. They often presented themselves as superior, not considering the actual strength of the armies. For example, a Japanese professor mentions prohibitive demands of the Russian side in the plan of a peace treaty. In reality, even after multiple lost battles and defeats of tzar Nikolai II, the demands were never considered. In the conclusion, the author presents how reliable was the information from the Messenger, compared to the subject literature.

Close allies? Prospects for deepening Russian-Belarusian integration after 2018

The aim of the article is to analyze Russian-Belarusian relations after 2018 and to determine the degree of advancement of the unification process of both countries within the formally existing since 1999 Union State of Russia and Belarus. In 2018, Russia took steps to accelerate the integration process. At that time, the Russian Federation presented two models for its future integration with Belarus. In order to force Belarus to tighten its cooperation, Russia used a whole spectrum of political and economic tools. The article diagnoses the main problems of the integration process to date and sets out the main goals of Russian policy towards Belarus. The subsequent stages of negotiations on deepening Russian-Belarusian integration were also characterized. The prospects for further integration of Russia and Belarus were also presented.

A number of international sanctions have been placed on Russia since it launched an attack on Ukraine on February 24, 2022, in order to persuade the country to de-escalate the conflict. The sanctions imposed on Russia, while designed to harm the Russian economy, had unintended consequences on the world economy, primarily through the disruption of global supply chains. Energy supply shocks, commodities and trade supply shocks were all caused by the conflict. In many nations, this resulted in an increase in worldwide inflation. Despite the fact that Israel and Turkey were instrumental in mediating a peaceful end of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, the economic fallout from the crisis continued to reverberate throughout Europe and beyond.