The Polish Political Science Yearbook invites all scholars, researchers and professionals to participate in the 8th PPSY International Seminar "Public Policy, Sustainability & Good Governance" which takes place in Toruń (Poland) on May 8, 2018. A conference is an associated event of the 2018 International Asian Congress and it supports a special section of the current Volume 47 of 2018 of the journal, and its objective is to discuss challenges of good governance and sustainability in Central Europe and the European Union and to present current advancements in studies on public policy.

Deadline for application: April 22, 2018, with the Online Form.

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The European Union supported Kazakhstan in carrying out political, economic and social reform twice. For the first time EU did so within the framework of the TACIS program in the years 1991–2006 when Kazakhstan has received $ 166 million mainly for the restructuring of state-owned enterprises, agriculture, infrastructure, energy, telecommunications, transport, environmental protection, administrative reform and health care and education. Again, the European Union has granted funds to Kazakhstan in the framework of the Strategy for Central Asia in 2007–2013. The main burden of support has been designed to prepare for institutional reforms for good governance and human rights protection. There were implemented 17 projects within four sectors: legal services and the judiciary; human rights, economic policy and development, strengthening civil society. In assessing the changes in some regions of the country reported good practices in the field of dialogue between local authorities and non-governmental organizations, increase the efficiency of public services and the transparency of budgetary expenditure. It was emphasized, however, that the authorities of Kazakhstan do not show understanding for the concept of good governance and democratization processes.

The collective identity of immigrants from the Middle East in EU countries

Identity is one of the forms of belonging to specific cultural groups. By that, the individual becomes a member of the larger community. It means that individuals can integrate with each other, act as each other’s specific features. And what is more important to them, all the standards they adopt are the same. In the circumstances, whereas many social groups are forced to leave their countries, their respective objectives are different. Some are leaving for work, some avoiding wars or persecution, and others want to improve their living conditions. This forces us to undertake in-depth analyses of the situation, because the members of other countries are not always favourably disposed to accept foreigners. In the case of people from the Middle East concerns are stronger; the more Europe is struggling with the wave of terrorism. This raises additional concerns. These are strong enough, that it erases the advantages of the influx of foreign labour for an ageing community. Of course Europe undertakes appropriate actions to help the immigrant population. None the less fears are strong enough to block the appreciation of the advantages of this potential.

The subject of analysis is the assumption that the concept of soft power may be used as a theoretical basis for the interpretation of the EU influence on the less stable regions facing the spread of international conflicts. On the basis of current events and the high degree of instability in the region, it should be stated that such instruments are not efficient when it comes to Russia. In order to prove the above mentioned assumption, one needs to define the nature and specificity of the EU as soft power in the post-Westphalian international order. In the context of the use of such instruments, the analysis will also cover the manifestation of their implementation and efficiency in the EU policy towards Ukrainian crisis. Thus, it is essential to answer a few research questions. Firstly, what is the specificity of the EU in post-Westphalian international order? Secondly, what means does the EU have at its disposal and is it able to achieve its objectives and meet expectations which the international environment has towards it? Lastly, how can we assess the efficiency of the soft power instruments used by the Union in specific region of Eastern Europe, particularly during Ukrainian crisis?

The accession process of Croatia to the European Union – implications for future enlargement of the European Union

This article analyzes the possible implications of Croatia’s accession process for further expansion of the Community (officially aspiring to membership in the European Union aspires five countries – Albania, FYROM, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey). In order to carry out the present historical relations between the EU – Croatia, the characteristic way of Croatia’s accession process on each of its stages, the state of its accomplishment by the designated official candidates, assessment of their nature of the relationship with the European Union and possible prospects for future membership.

Strategic partnerships are nowadays one of the tools most willingly applied in foreign policy. The subject of the presented analysis is the institutionalization process of a strategic partnership understood as the functioning of certain norms and rules in a given relationship (expressed in the founding documents of partnerships) and the regularization of joint bodies and meeting formats. The aim of the article is a comparative analysis of institutional solutions applied in the European Union’s strategic partnerships with its established partners: the United States, Japan, and Canada. The results show that it is possible to identify a pattern of institutionalization process used by the European Union in its relations with strategic partners; they also reveal how great importance contemporary players in the international arena attach to institutionalization processes in their mutual relations.

Artykuł ukazuje problematykę edukacji międzykulturowej jako koniecznego kroku w celu integracji i wzajemnego porozumienia pomiędzy mieszkańcami a imigrantami w Europie. Rada Europy oraz Unia Europejska popierają migracje międzynarodowe. Większość działań UE jest jednak skierowana do obywateli unijnych. Unia Europejska wraz z Radą Europy próbują zwiększyć kompetencje międzykulturowe poprzez organizowanie wydarzeń (np. zainicjowanie Roku Dialogu Międzykulturowego w 2008 roku) oraz propozycje zmian w aktach prawnych. Unia Europejska promuje również migracje o charakterze edukacyjnym, m.in. Erasmus, Tempus oraz Młodzież w działaniu. Udział w projektach zaproponowanych przez Komisję Europejską umożliwia zwiększenie kompetencji kulturowych oraz chęć odkrywania innych kultur oraz zrozumienie międzykulturowe. Natomiast podczas spotkań Rady Europy w latach 2003 i 2005 postanowiono podtrzymywać i rozwijać jedność pomimo różnorodności społeczeństw poprzez aktywne działanie w zakresie zwiększenia poziomu edukacji międzykulturowej jako elementu polityki edukacyjnej. W Planie Działań podkreślono szczególną rolę edukacji w tworzeniu nowej Europy. Wyznaczano wówczas takie kierunki działań, jak rozwój kilku edukacji: obywatelskiej, na rzecz praw człowieka, międzykulturowej, a także promocję wymiany międzykulturowej oraz zapewnienie różnorodności kulturowej i dialogu międzykulturowego. Zalecane jest, aby politycy unijni zastanowili się nad rozwiązaniem problemu niezrozumienia pomiędzy Europejczykami a imigrantami z Azji oraz Afryki.

As a part of its long-term strategic objectives, the European Union has set efforts to increase internal cohesion, improve economic growth levels, which will strengthen its position in the world economy area and also strengthen its competitiveness vis-à-vis other key players in the world economy. The level and quality of education, as well as the level and quality of science and research, are key areas for achieving this goal. Thus, the main attention at the level of the European Union and its individual member states should be focused on the implementation of systemic measures aimed at improving the educational process and research activities in all aspects (legislative, personnel, financial, procedural, etc.). The article focuses on the definition and analysis of the main developmental trends and tendencies in the area of education and support of science and research in the area of the European Union and the Slovak Republic.

The Implications of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor for Pakistan-European Union Relations

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) holds the potential to transform Pakistan along with its turbulent regional environment. In the short run, the multiple networks of infrastructure that the project provides will eventually improve Pakistan-European Union (EU) trade. Moreover, while the CPEC is unlikely to bring an immediate strategic shift in the bilateral dialogue, which is particularly lacking in political dynamics, its long-run promises can help to foster such dynamics. The project, if successful, can help Pakistan to establish a peaceful domestic environment and subsequently promote the country’s fresh image to reverse its softpower losses in Europe and beyond. This paper investigates contemporary Pakistan-EU relations, which have so far attracted little attention from international relations scholars. It presents the bilateral dynamics in the context of the CPEC, which is an unprecedented investment by China in Pakistan. The paper concludes by shedding light on the differences between China’s and the EU’s strategies vis-à-vis Pakistan. Despite the fact that the study focuses on one particular South Asian state, it can serve as a case study for the comparative analysis of China’s and the EU’s presence in third countries, especially those that, like Pakistan, have joined the Belt and Road Initiative.

The article presents the main parties (i.e. the Conservative Party, Labor Party, Liberal Democrats and Scottish National Party) results of the 2019 UK general election as well as an analysis of the most important issues (i.e. correct identification of voters’ expectations, simplicity and clarity of the messages, leaders’ personalities) which determined each party success or loss. The author proves that since Brexit was the primary focus of voters, the level of support for particular parties remained dependent on the solutions presented in this issue. This basis explains why the Conservatives in the whole UK and the SNP in Scotland won (and the Labor Party and the Liberal Democrats lost) the battle of Brexit.

This article aims to present the positions of minorities in Central and Eastern Europe since 1990. The analysis concentrates on relations between the various cultural and minorities group. The main outline is the concepts of minority rights and their multi-dimensional development of linguistic minorities and social development. There is a broad description of the social development of Roma in Central and Eastern Europe. Eastern European democracy promoters have made extensive use of their bilateral diplomatic channels to allow democratization laggards in the post-communist space a glimpse of what democracy looks like close to home and to give them encouragement and know-how to move forward with reforms.

The paper presents a proposal of a new perspective as regards the way of defining the EU’s policy concerning the functional dimension of its borders. Thus, it comprises a counterproposal to the narrow definition of the whole policy, limited to the issues of border control and the principles of border crossing. In this approach, the EU’s border policy constitutes a kind of political framework for three programmes, implemented under three separate sectors of this policy, programmes of the EU activity oriented towards: cross-border cooperation of local communities; the establishment of tightened control and border protection and finally the stabilisation of the EU outside its borders. This is a three – dimensional, internally diverse policy of the EU, the implementation of which – depending on the dimension – is carried out by means of financial, legal or political instruments. This proposal constitutes a more complex approach to the analysis of the EU policy towards its borders and provides the opportunity to consider a particular EU border from the perspective of the level of isolation of border areas, the degree of permeability of the border control regime and of the “friendliness” or “hostility” of relations with neighbouring countries. It seems that such a perspective can better convey the diverse character of the EU’s external borders and determine their actual level of openness or closeness.

When analyzing the main problems in the bilateral Slovak-Hungarian relations in 1993–2002 it can be concluded that there were many barriers to an agreement in that period of time. Centuries-long Slovak dependence on Hungary increased the nationalistic tendencies among politicians and the Slovak society. Other factors that affected the mutual antipathy were provisions of the Treaty of Trianon, Benes Decrees, situation of Hungarian minority in Slovakia, the dispute over the dam on the Danube and the position of nationalist groups. The worst situation was during the rule of Vladimír Mečiar (1993–1998). This government’s actions met with a response from the Hungarian government, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of Europe. The consequence of this policy was the fact that Slovakia was not invited to the summit in Luxembourg (1997) to start negotiations with the EU. Similar situation happened in the context of the entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO): while the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary were invited to become member in Madrid in 1997, Slovakia remained as an outsider. Mečiar’s regime was also a period of crisis within the Visegrad Group which could have claimed to solve many bilateral issues. It would seem that after the elections in 1998 and the regime change in Slovakia it could come to the normalization of mutual relations. An important prerequisite for doing so was a coalition government, which included the Slovak Hungarians or with the establishment of a mixed commission to solve the most urgent problems. Both countries were forced to work together to achieve the priority in foreign policy, which was to enter the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. For this purpose, the cooperation within the Visegrad Group was renewed. The question is whether it was this factor that caused the normalization of relations? It seems not. Both countries achieved their primary goal, and this cooperation was necessary. It does not change the fact that also during the Dzurinda government, there have been many frictions no longer directly associated with the activities of the government in Bratislava, but rather with the burden of the past. Another aspect was Viktor Orban’s former government in Hungary and the position of the extreme nationalist political parties.

Children separated from their families who are seeking international protection are in a threefold jeopardize: as minors, as refugees, and as persons deprived of their protectors. They need prompt and comprehensive protection not only during asylum procedures but also in all aspects of life normally provided by parents, such as but not being limited to: shelter, food, medical care and education. This article aims to examine and evaluate the recommendations and guidelines pertinent to the unaccompanied children as adopted at international level by the international organizations (UN with special regard to UNHCR and UNICEF, the Council of Europe and the European Union), intergovernmental organization (the International Committee of the Red Cross) and specialized NGOs (eg. Save the Children) and, subsequently, to reconstruct a recommended standard of treatment of the separated children in the course of asylum proceedings. The result of said examination and evaluation are model rules of treatment of separated minor aliens applying for a refugee status in the European countries. It encompasses the following provisions: 1) adoption of sufficiently wide and flexible interpretation of prerequisites required for being granted a refugee status, with special regard to additional factors such as age and special forms of child prosecution; 2) appointment of a legal representative for a separated child in asylum procedure; 3) adoption of appropriate hearing procedures suitable for age of the applicant; 4) introduction of facilitations in asylum proceedings and liberalization of the evidence requirements, including the principle of the benefit of doubt; 5) assertion of an effective right to participate in asylum procedure; 6) to prioritize the applications regarding the separated children; 7) a proper training of persons dealing with the separated children seeking international protection and their applications. The review of the laws and practice of the European countries enables the Author to indicate the main problems with implementation of the international standard of treatment of the separated children and to assess the relevant provisions of the amended Act of 13 June 2003 on granting protection to aliens within the territory of the Republic of Poland.

The fall of Communism in the Central and Eastern European countries in the year 1989, was a historical change had occurred after the demise of communism. The decline of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 was one of the most important proceedings of the period: the conclusive end of the Cold War and the Iron Curtain. After the disintegration of the former USSR, the Eastern bloc had started the modernisation of institutions and adopted the norms of democracy. The third wave of democratisation of Samuel P. Huntington’s theory would apply the democratic changes in Central and Eastern Europe and Romania as well. It traces the discussions and opinions of institutional and political development in Romania with special attention to the events around 1989 Post-communism and Eastern enlargement of the European Union. The paper assesses the role of the European Union to promote democratization through Eastern neighbour policy. The paper broadly discusses the institutional and political development in Romania and the role of Copenhagen criteria and the country’s accession to the EU in early 2007. The result of this article is that Romania has successfully integrated into the European Union but that democratization is declining in the country.

Polish-Turkish Relations: Genesis, History of Development, and State at the Present Stage

Türkiye and Poland are located in different geopolitical areas, so ideological and social factors strongly impede political dialogue between them. Turkish Polish relations have a long history. In 2014, both countries celebrated the 600th anniversary of diplomatic relations. Despite numerous conflicts in history, both states have consistently made efforts to maintain and improve mutual relations. Currently, in the language of diplomacy, bilateral relations between states are still friendly. The paper’s author demonstrates whether they can really be defined as such.