Azerbaijan and the Security Complex of The South Caucasus

Author: Kseniia Pashaieva
Institution: Odessa I. I. Mechnikov National University,
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002- 2576-6403
Year of publication: 2020
Source: Show
Pages: 13-29
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop2020101
PDF: rop/11/rop1101.pdf

This article reviews the academic literature on the regional security complex of the South Caucasus, which has been drawing the attention of the academic community for a long time. The paper aims to examine the security dynamics in the South Caucasus with a focus on Azerbaijan and a way in which domestic security is interconnected and linked to the region`s neighborhood and global arena. The conceptual framework for the paper is the regional security complex theory, elaborated by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver. South Caucasus is an unstable region with several secessionist conflicts and interstate wars, exposed to the influence of its neighbors, which shape the regional security environment. Besides, the region is riven by geopolitical fractures as regional states have various foreign policy orientations, which hampers the resolution of regional conflicts and complicates cooperation. The research is carried at three levels of analysis - the domestic level, reviewing internal vulnerabilities and state to state relations, interregional level, examining dynamics between regional and neighboring states, and the last level - global, considering the interplay between regional and the world-leading powers. Correspondingly, sections of the paper study internal challenges and threats of the regional states, examine relations between Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, and their neighborhood - Turkey, Iran, Russia, as well as global powers - the EU and the US to analyze similar and conflicting interests and patterns of influence. The article concludes that the South Caucasus security environment is unstable, hampered by the failure of democratic transformation and unresolved conflicts, namely Nagorno-Karabakh, which Russia uses as a tool to keep Caucasian states in a sphere of its influence. It is evident that Azerbaijan plays a vital role in the production and transit of hydrocarbons from the Caspian region to Europe. Therefore, it is crucial to eliminate threats coming from the region and to ensure the security of energy infrastructure, carrying energy resources westwards.

Prezydent w systemie politycznym Turcji

Author: Dominika Liszkowska
Institution: Politechnika Koszalińska
Year of publication: 2021
Source: Show
Pages: 234-250
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2021.69.14
PDF: apsp/69/apsp6914.pdf

W niniejszym artykule przedstawiono główne cechy tureckiego modelu systemu prezydenckiego, a także historyczne uwarunkowania pozycji prezydenta w strukturze organów państwa w Turcji. Praca składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej z nich omówione zostały podstawy parlamentaryzmu, co jest kluczową kwestią dla ukazania kształtu tureckiego systemu przed reformą. Kolejnym zagadnieniem omawianym w tej części artykułu jest proces ewolucji prezydentury od pierwszych lat powstania Republiki do zmian wprowadzonych po wyborach prezydenckich i parlamentarnych w 2018 r. W drugiej części pracy wskazano uwarunkowania zmiany systemowej. Wreszcie w ostatniej dokonano analizy nowego systemu, określanego jako prezydencjalizm „w stylu tureckim”, i ukazano jego charakterystyczne cechy.

Polityka zagraniczna Turcji - uwarunkowania wewnętrzne obiektywne

Author: Michał Dahl
Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 17-40
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2017102
PDF: so/11/so1102.pdf

Turkish foreign policy – internal objective determinants

The purpose of the article was to present selected conditions of the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey, formulated on the basis of a scheme of factors shaping the foreign policy of the state, developed by R. Zięba. The analyzed group of determinants was limited to the objective internal conditions, therefore factors such as: the geographical environment of the state, potential of the population, economic potential and the socio-political system. Using the analysis of legal acts, reports of research institutes, statistical data and literature on the subject, the Author of the work showed the importance of the above-mentioned internal determinants on the shaping of directions of Turkish foreign policy.

Sytuacja Kościoła ortodoksyjnego w Turcji w 1949 roku

Author: Ahmet Burak
Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 148-156
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2017107
PDF: so/11/so1107.pdf

The situation of the Orthodox Church in Turkey in 1949

Athenagoras I (born Aristocles Matthew Spyrou, 1886–1972), who became the new Patriarch of the Orthodox Church in Turkey in 1949, which bears the name of the Patriarchate Fener. First and foremost, however, it must be noted that for the first time in the history of the Patriarchate Fener, Athenagoras I was elected abroad to the Patriarch, who was not a citizen of Turkey. The article analyzed the situation of the Orthodox Church in Turkey, after the change of power in this organization in 1949.

The Foreign Policy of Turkey – between Transatlanticism and Orientalism

Author: Jakub Wódka
Institution: Polish Academy of Sciences
Year of publication: 2014
Source: Show
Pages: 89-100
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.05
PDF: apsp/44/apsp4405.pdf

The article explores the transformation which the Turkish foreign policy has been undergoing in the last decade since the post-Islamist Justice and Development Party had come to power. Whereas in the cold-war era Turkey concentrated its foreign policy on bolstering the alliance with the United States and on efforts to join the European Communities, last couple of years have seen the country diversify its international engagement. Turkey has been using ‘new’ instruments, such as softpower, to build up its regional status. Yet, the ambitious foreign policy is constrained by the regional developments, the Arab Spring turmoil being the prime example.

Nurses’ Lifelong-Learning Tendencies and Their Attitudes Toward Distance Education: A Sample of Turkey

Author: Emine Şenyuva
Institution: Istanbul University Florence Nightingale Nursing Faculty
Author: Hülya Kaya
Institution: Istanbul University Florence Nightingale Nursing Faculty
Year of publication: 2014
Source: Show
Pages: 17-29
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/tner.
PDF: tner/201402/tner3601.pdf

Little is known about nurses’ viewpoints, experience, and opinions regarding this issue even though lifelong learning and distance education are of great importance in nursing. It is important to have knowledge about nurses’ lifelong-learning tendencies and attitudes toward distance education when structuring related education programmes. The aim of this study was to determine the correlation between nurses’ lifelong-learning tendencies and their attitudes toward distance education. This is a descriptive research design with a stratified random sample. The sample included 417 nurses. The Lifelong-Learning Tendencies Scale and the Distance Education Attitude Scale were used to collect data. SPSS for Windows 16.0 was used for statistical analysis. Our results show that nurses do not tend to engage in lifelong learning, and they experience uncertainty in their attitudes toward distance education. We found a weak negative correlation between lifelong-learning tendencies and attitudes toward distance education. Continuing education programmes should be designed to improve and support nurses’ attitudes toward lifelong learning and distance education. Distance education supports nurses’ lifelong learning by updating their post-graduation knowledge improving comprehension about developments that affect and consciously broaden their viewpoint and intellectual level. Continuing education programmes to enhance nurses’ personal and professional development should be designed to improve their attitudes toward lifelong learning and distance education.

Slavic mutuality, Turkish-Slavic political connection and the vision of General Edmund Taczanowski

Author: Emilian Prałat
Institution: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3336-6263
Year of publication: 2022
Source: Show
Pages: 113-142
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso220205
PDF: hso/33/hso3305.pdf
License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

Slavic mutuality, Turkish-Slavic political connections and the vision of General Edmund Taczanowski

The article is devoted to the discovered Greater Poland Military Museum in Poznań, the unpublished text of the memorial in French, which General Edmund Taczanowski, intended to address to the Turkish Sultan, in the hope of creating Bulgarian-Turkish troops, which were then to be used in battles with Russia.

Turkey and the European Union – a New Phase of Relations

Author: Stanisław Konopacki
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 104-122
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2011.29.06
PDF: apsp/29/apsp2906.pdf

Turkey can join the EU once it has fulfilled the conditions and thus complies with European principles and laws. According to Turkish authorities, Ankara is ready and can adopt the full acquis communautaire by 2014. The aim of the article is to argue that seen in this light, the Nabucco pipeline project which is expected to bring Caspian gas to Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary and Austria via Turkey is of essential importance. By building this pipeline Turkey might become the fourth energy supply route for natural gas to Western Europe. Moreover, Turkey’s accession to the Energy Community Treaty as an equal partner with full rights would be an extremely important opportunity for Ankara to strengthen its position and commitment on its way to the membership in the EU.

Kwestia tureckiego przystąpienia do II wojny światowej w polityce brytyjskiej między grudniem 1943 a styczniem 1944 r.

Author: Krzysztof Zdulski
Institution: Uniwersytet Łódzki
Year of publication: 2022
Source: Show
Pages: 133-147
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.74.08
PDF: apsp/74/apsp7408.pdf

The issue of Turkish accession to the Second World War in British foreign policy (December 1943–January 1944)

During the Cairo negotiations (December 4–7, 1942), the British, supported by the Americans, tried to persuade the Turks to make the air bases on their territory available to the Allies on February 14, 1944. This date was correlated with British preparations for attacking Rhodes as part of Operation Hercules. Throughout the rest of December and mid-January 1944, the British tried to convince the Ankara government to accept the terms of cooperation. The staff consultations which proceeded in early January highlighted the differences in the perception of the war situation by both sides, which eventually led to the breakdown of negotiations and the suspension of British military aid to Turkey. Nevertheless, the British government did not decide to break the treaty of mutual aid with the Turkey and this decision was influenced by political and military factors that was not directly related to the plans of capturing the Dodecanese.

Rola panturkizmu w relacjach rosyjsko-tureckich

Author: Jakub Potulski
Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 28-58
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2016102
PDF: so/9/so902.pdf

The role of Pan-Turkism in Russian-Turkish relations

The term Pan-Turkism refers to an intellectual and political movement advocating the union of all Turkic people. Pan-Turkism emerged among Tatars intellectuals in Tsarist Russia. In Tsarist Russia Pan-Turkism was in a part response to the development Pan-Slavism. At the beginning of twenty-first century Pan-Turkism became popular among the members of Committee of Union and Progress in the Ottoman Empire. After the Young Turks Revolution Pan-Turkism become a main political idea in the Ottoman state. The rise of a PAN-TURKISM as political movement is a phenomenon of the 19th and the 20th century. In this article author argues that the Pan-Turkism ideology still can be used by contemporary Turkey authority against Russia. Calling for a political unity and solidarity among Turkic groups can be a serious threat for Russian authority. The collapse of Soviet Union and the emergence of new Turkish states gave fresh hope many Pan-Turkists in Turkey, Caucasus and Central Asia. The annexation of Crimea, war in Syria and shooting down Russian aircraft by the Turkish army made hostile the Turkish-Russian relations.

Turecki ruch młodzieżowy w Turcji latach 1968–1971

Author: Ahmet Burak
Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 59-69
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2016103
PDF: so/9/so903.pdf

Turkish youth movement in Turkey, 1968–1971

Turkey has the honor of being the first modern, secular state in a predominantly Muslim Middle East. From 1968–1971, the Turkish armed forces played a critical role in the political formation of modern Turkey, contributing to a watershed moment in Turkish history as the country’s youth began to split between the ideological left and the right. The country was in a state of chaos as of January 1971. Turkish universities closed their doors and students formed groups of urban guerrillas, robbing banks and targeting Americans for kidnappings. “Young Turks” as they were known, grew dramatically in strength, registering the most strikes between January 1 and March 12, 1971. Consequently, a Turkish military intervention came as no surprise to most people in the country at that time. This article analyzes the Republic of Turkey’s leftist youth movement from 1968 to 1971.

Szanse i perspektywy akcesji Turcji do Unii Europejskiej

Author: Czesław Partacz
Institution: Politechnika Koszalińska
Year of publication: 2014
Source: Show
Pages: 83-93
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2014205
PDF: so/6/so605.pdf

Opportunities and prospects for Turkey’s accession to the European Union

The purpose of this article is to analyze the relations of the Turkish and the European Union, first of all the values and threats that it may bring into force the Old Continent. The article presents the history of European integration of Turkey and the challenges faced by this country before accession. The arguments for and against the country’s membership in the European Union from the point of view of both the Member States and Turkey are featured.

Ewolucja pozycji ustrojowej Wielkiego Zgromadzenia Narodowego Turcji

Author: Dominika Liszkowska
Institution: Politechnika Koszalińska
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6312-341X
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 121-133
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2023.01.09
PDF: ppk/71/ppk7109.pdf

Evolution of Grand National Assembly of Turkey’ Role in State System

The aim of article is to show the evolution of parliament’s role in Turkey and the changes taking place within the tripartite division of power from the time of the establishment of the Republic of Turkey (1920’s) to 2018. The article attempts to answer the following questions: how have the scope of competences and the position of the Turkish parliament changed? What are the competences of the parliament following the last reform of the Basic Law (1982)? The research hypothesis assumes that in the case of Turkey, we are dealing with a process of gradual deparliamentarization and replacement of parliament’s supremacy in the tripartite division of powers with a strong monocratic executive power. The changes taking place, characterized in successive basic laws and their amendments, can be described as a gradual weakening of the legislative power and the reduction of its powers in the structure of governmental bodies.

Reakcja Turcji na agresję Rosji w Ukrainie

Author: Kinga Smoleń
Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 99-122
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2023.77.06
PDF: apsp/77/apsp7706.pdf

Turkey’s reaction to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine

The aim of the publication is to analyze Turkey’s reaction to Russia’s aggression towards Ukraine. The research will first identify the following independent variables which determine Turkey’s response to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine: the geostrategic importance of the Black Sea, the multidimensional cooperation between Turkey and Ukraine, the interdependence of Turkey and Russia, and the economic crisis in Turkey. Secondly, the strategy of the analyzed reaction will be discussed together with the justification for its choice. Third, the diplomatic, political, military, and humanitarian actions undertaken by Turkey in response to the war in Ukraine will be analyzed. A methodological assumption has been made, with which Turkey’s reaction to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine (the dependent variable) is conditioned by independent variables functioning simultaneously on two levels: the international system and the domestic system. Four research hypotheses will be verified in the article.

Duma tych, co cierpieli niewinnie. Ludobójstwo Ormian w Turcji

Author: Zbigniew T. Szmurło
Year of publication: 2015
Source: Show
Pages: 245-264
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/cip201518
PDF: cip/13/cip1318.pdf

Pride of those who suffered innocently. The genocide of Armenians in Turkey

In the article shown genocide of Armenians in Turkey in 1915 and and the picture of pogroms of Armenians who is found in the composition „Choucas: an international novel” by Zofia Nałkowska (1884–1954). She is regarded as a pioneer of the psychological novel in Poland. Set in the Swiss Alps, her novel „Choucas” (1927) reflects the author’s experience of a sanatoria village in the mountains above Lake Geneva, where she stayed from February to April 1925, and the international community she encountered there, including Armenian survivors of the genocide placed there by the Swiss Red Cross. In this text c read fragments of Genocide placed in the creation of the Zofia Nałkowska. Elements of the tragedy of the Armenians and the genocide perpetrated by the Turks in 1915 can be found in the logs of the author and her work „Choucas: an international novel” based on the meeting with Armenian refugees from Turkish pogroms who stay on treatment in a sanatorium in Switzerland.

Examination of Clinical Decision Making Perceptions of Nursing Students

Author: Aklime Dicle
Institution: Dokuz Eylul University
Author: Aylin Durmaz Edeer
Institution: Dokuz Eylul University
Year of publication: 2013
Source: Show
Pages: 132-142
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/tner.
PDF: tner/201303/tner3311.pdf

In the study, clinical decision making perceptions of students who had clinical practice experience were evaluated. The sample was 210 nursing students. Data were collected through the Clinical Decision Making in Nursing Scale. There were significant differences between total scale score and three subscale scores of nursing students. According to one-year follow-up results, it was found that pre-graduation clinical decision making perception scores of students were low. For all of the classes, there is a need to implement different education methods which will elevate students’ perceptions of making clinical decisions in accordance with their developmental properties and to evaluate their results.

Uyghurs of Syria: Significance for the Syrian Conflict and International Implications

Author: Przemysław Mazur
Institution: University of the National Education Commission in Krakow
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 194-214
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2023.79.10
PDF: apsp/79/apsp7910.pdf

The main objective of the article was to determine whether the Uyghurs were a relevant group in the Syrian conflict, i.e., whether they were numerous, well-organized and determined enough to take the fight to the Syrian army or other non-state actors or cooperate with them. Several levels of analysis were carried out in this article. Firstly, article aimed to show where the Uyghurs in Syria came from. Secondly, the following section assessed their importance to the Syrian conflict, as well as who they worked with and fought against. Thirdly, it analysed whether their military and political involvement could have an impact on the international situation. Last but not least, the fate of Uyghurs, especially those who left for Syria, was discussed. The latter issue is also a question about Syria, its fate and place in the politics of other countries.

Turkey forever balances between East and West

Author: Karolina Wanda Olszowska
Institution: Jagiellonian University in Kraków
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0535-912X
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 239-255
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20233711
PDF: npw/37/npw3711.pdf

Turkey forever balances between East and West

When looking at contemporary Turkish politics, an incorrect notion is often circulated that Turkey has only in recent years, as far back as under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, begun a policy of balancing between East and West. The purpose of this article is to analyze Turkey’s posture – in terms of balancing between spheres of influence – after the end of World War II until Turkey joined NATO and then compare it with Turkey’s stance during the Justice and Development Party government in the context of relations with the United States and Russia. This will help answer the question: to what extent is Ankara’s current balkanizing attitude something surprising? Aren’t specific patterns of the 1945–1952 period similar to those of the 21st century, and the differences are the attitudes of Washington and Moscow rather than Ankara?

Turkey in the Post-Arab Uprisings Era: Vacillating between Regional and Domestic Priorities

Author: Stavros Drakoularakos
Institution: University of the Peloponnese (Greece)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7053-6706
Year of publication: 2024
Source: Show
Pages: 107-123
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202407
PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024107.pdf

This article analyses Turkey’s foreign policy concerning the status quo of the post-Arab uprisings through the prism of regional hegemony theory. The aspiring regional hegemon is identified through criteria applied to Turkish foreign policy, recontextualizing soft power initiatives of the previous decades with current hard power policies. The article suggests that while the Arab uprisings played a vital part in the redefinition of Turkish foreign policy, Erdoğan’s domestic priorities informed its recalibration to weather political difficulties and maintain power. The objective would be to challenge the status quo shepherded by the West during the twentieth century as articulated by the Mavi Vatan doctrine, the motivation to renegotiate the Lausanne treaty, the conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque, and even the escalating Erdoğan-Macron verbal feud. Turkey’s aspirations for regional hegemony are evidenced in policies including military intervention, diplomatic and economic support to state entities, escalation of tensions with other regional powers, and Erdoğan’s consolidation of power over Turkish domestic affairs.

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