Ukraine

Israeli-Ukrainian Relations after ‘the Euromaidan Revolution’ – the Holocaust and the New Ukrainian Identity in the Context of the European Aspirations of Ukraine

Author: Jakub Bornio
Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 331–345
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018212
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018212.pdf

The Euromaidan revolution totally reoriented Ukraine’s policy in both internal and external dimensions. The new Ukrainian authorities facing Russian aggression and domestic instability started to build a new national identity in order to consolidate social cohesion. Due to the fact that Kiev’s new historical narrative glorifies the Ukrainian nationalists from the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) who contributed to the Holocaust of Jews and committed mass murders on the representatives of other nationalities, such a  policy may be a  serious obstacle in the context of Ukraine’s external relations. The present article investigates particularly Israeli-Ukrainian relations after the Euromaidan revolution. The article analyses the impact of the new Ukrainian identity on bilateral relations as well as attempting to answer whether or not it may influence Kiev’s cooperation with the European Union. The article contains a brief description of the new identity building process in the post-Euromaidan Ukraine with special consideration of those elements of it, which are related to “Ukrainian Nationalism”.

Językowy aspekt tożsamości Polaków Donbasu

Author: Anita Staszkiewicz
Institution: Wydział Konsularny Ambasady RP w Kazachstanie (Ukraina)
Author: Lech Aleksy Suchomłynow
Institution: Centrum Języka i Kultury Polskiej (Ukraina)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 133-150
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/em.2018.01.09
PDF: em/8/em809.pdf

W podjętych rozważaniach autorzy analizują obecny stan tożsamości Polaków zamieszkujących na terenach Ukrainy wschodniej ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem sytuacji językowej na Donbasie. Przeprowadzone badania pozwalają stwierdzać, iż ze względu na specyficzne mechanizmy tygla kulturowego w Ukrainie wschodniej tworzy się jakościowo nowy gatunek kultury polskiej. W środowiskach polonijnych, gdzie nie ma ciągłości kultury ojczystej, kultywowane są tylko niektóre jej elementy, o czym często decyduje nieliczna grupa działaczy i społeczników. Dlatego tak zwany renesans polskiej mniejszości na Wschodzie ma charakter spontaniczny i nieukierunkowany. Dotyczy to również znajomości języka polskiego i motywacji podjęcia jego nauki.

Wyzwania w sferze wyznaniowej w koncepcji bezpieczeństwa narodowego Ukrainy po rewolucji godności

Author: Antonina Kozyrska
Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 7-32
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20181701
PDF: npw/17/npw1701.pdf

The challenges in the confessional sphere in a concept of national security of Ukraine after the Revolution of Dignity

The new concept of the national security of Ukraine after the Revolution of Dignity considered the challenges in the confessional sphere as well. They were considered as a part of humanitarian or cultural security. The threatening in this industry was mostly regarded as the result of “soft” instruments of Russia’s impact on the Ukrainian society, particularly in the Crimea and Donbass areas, which are not controlled by Kiev. Such an activity was aimed at fomenting of religious grounds and inter-confessional and social conflicts. This led to the strengthening of separatism, the destabilization of the internal situation and the depreciation of the international image of Ukraine. Considering such threatening, the main tasks were: to neutralize Russian propaganda within the country and abroad through the UOC- MP and the ROC, to oppose to anti-Ukrainian activity of quasi-Church organizations, to improve the legislation and the communication between religious associations, the state and society, to harmonize the inter-ethnic relations, and to increase the level of religious tolerance. As the necessary means of limiting the Russian presence in the humanitarian sphere, the building of Ukrainian Local Orthodox Church was the priority challenge.

Russian Phobia or a Real Threat? Propaganda-Related Elements of Russian Information Warfare in Ukraine and Their Implications for Euro-Atlantic Security

Author: Anna Antczak
Institution: Academy of Finance and Business Vistula in Warsaw
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 163-178
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.10
PDF: apsp/56/apsp5610.pdf

The article discusses Russian information warfare focusing mainly on propaganda issues, which were used during the conflict in Ukraine, and tries to find an answer to the question of to what extent these undertakings are dangerous to Euro-Atlantic security. It provides a political background of the conflict in order to better understand why Russia is using particular information warfare tools. The article analyzes manipulation techniques and the use of specific elements of Russian identity such as the attitude to history and the role of the Orthodox Church. Finally, it discusses a possible influence these actions may have on security and stability of the EU and NATO and their particular member states.

Poczucie tożsamości oraz funkcjonowanie w wymiarze społecznym studentów pochodzących z Białorusi, Ukrainy i Rosji studiujących na polskich uczelniach

Author: Łukasz Matusiak
Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 243-255
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/em.2018.02.13
PDF: em/9/em913.pdf

Coraz więcej studentów z Europy Wschodniej studiuje w polskich uczelniach. Polska jest dla nich krajem bliskim kulturowo, w którym mogą zdobyć dyplomy uznawane w Europie przy niskich kosztach utrzymania. Wymiar tożsamościowy jest niezwykle ważny, wręcz kluczowy, warunkuje bowiem pojawienie się postaw otwartości lub zamknięcia się na kulturę przyjmującą i replikację tejże postawy wobec języka kraju gospodarza, aktywności na rynku pracy i gotowości wchodzenia w grupy wtórne w społeczeństwie przyjmującym. Przeprowadzone badania wykazały, ze studenci z Białorusi, Ukrainy i Rosji chcą integrować się z polskim społeczeństwem, pozostają jednak bierni i rzadko włączają się życie społeczne uczelni i środowiska lokalnego, nie promują też swojej kultury ojczystej. Społeczeństwo polskie nie jest bowiem otwarte na Innego. W grupie badanej zaobserwowano częste wskazania na uczucie przygnębienia, jakie towarzyszy studentom podczas pobytu w Polsce – jest to spowodowane niewydolnością systemu administracji państwowej, która odpowiada za legalizację pobytu cudzoziemców w Polsce. Postuluje się potrzebę stworzenia stanowisk uczelnianych i wydziałowych koordynatorów do spraw studentów cudzoziemskich, którzy pomagaliby w adaptacji i funkcjonowaniu tych studentów w uczelni i środowisku lokalnym. Za zasadne uznaje się wprowadzenie wolontariackiej instytucji studenta opiekuna, który pomagałby nowo przyjętym studentom w pierwszych miesiącach studiów (kulturowo, językowo i społecznie).

Odpowiedzialność konstytucyjna prezydenta Ukrainy

Author: Marcin Gołębiowski
Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 205-224
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.04.12
PDF: ppk/44/ppk4412.pdf

Constitutional responsibility of the President of Ukraine

This article presents issues pertaining to the constitutional responsibility acknowledged by the president of Ukraine. Under the Ukrainian law, the scope of responsibilities taken over by the president of Ukraine translates into his legal and system-related position. According to the Constitution of 26 June 1996, the duties and responsibilities may be attributed ex officio, under the procedure of impeachment. The aim of this article is also to present differences between the representatives of legal doctrines in terms of acknowledging the constitutional responsibility by the president of Ukraine. The article also specifies each stage of the procedure aimed at dismissing the president, provides a list of bodies authorised to commence and conduct the proceedings and making the final decision on the dismissal. Furthermore, the article also provides analysis of legal effects being exerted when the head of state was unconstitutionally dismissed by Viktor Yanukovych. The result of the analysis of legal acts was the formulation of de lege ferenda conclusions referring to/concerning the spectrum of entities authorized to initiate and conducting the impeachment procedure.

Unia Europejska i NATO wobec wojny hybrydowej na Ukrainie

Author: Anna Antczak-Barzan
Institution: Akademia Finansów i Biznesu Vistula w Warszawie
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 29–45
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.50.02
PDF: apsp/50/apsp5002.pdf

Artykuł ma na celu ukazanie przyczyn konfliktu na Ukrainie w odniesieniu do struktur zachodnich – Unii Europejskiej oraz NATO i ich reakcji na wydarzenia, jakie miały i mają miejsce w tym kraju, a także oczekiwań społeczności międzynarodowej i samej Ukrainy względem tych graczy. Artykuł uwypukla także specyficzne cechy konfliktu, które wskazują na jego hybrydowy charakter, wyjaśniając jednocześnie przyczyny i możliwe skutki.

Efficiency of the EU Soft Instruments in the Transformation of Eastern Neighbours. The Case of the Ukrainian Crisis

Author: Beata Piskorska
Institution: John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin
Year of publication: 2015
Source: Show
Pages: 151–167
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.48.11
PDF: apsp/48/apsp4811.pdf

The subject of analysis is the assumption that the concept of soft power may be used as a theoretical basis for the interpretation of the EU influence on the less stable regions facing the spread of international conflicts. On the basis of current events and the high degree of instability in the region, it should be stated that such instruments are not efficient when it comes to Russia. In order to prove the above mentioned assumption, one needs to define the nature and specificity of the EU as soft power in the post-Westphalian international order. In the context of the use of such instruments, the analysis will also cover the manifestation of their implementation and efficiency in the EU policy towards Ukrainian crisis. Thus, it is essential to answer a few research questions. Firstly, what is the specificity of the EU in post-Westphalian international order? Secondly, what means does the EU have at its disposal and is it able to achieve its objectives and meet expectations which the international environment has towards it? Lastly, how can we assess the efficiency of the soft power instruments used by the Union in specific region of Eastern Europe, particularly during Ukrainian crisis?

Wybory w cieniu pomarańczowej rewolucji

Author: Agnieszka Sawicz
Institution: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6604-8539
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 39-76
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20181902
PDF: npw/19/npw1902.pdf

Elections in the shadow of the Orange Revolution

The Parliamentary Elections in Ukraine in 2006 remained in the shadow of the 2004 Presidential Election and the Orange Revolution. The changes, which to a large extent resulted from the events of 2004-2005, influenced the shape of the Ukrainian political scene and Kiev’s foreign and domestic policy. They have consolidated the ineffective “Third Way” policy, implemented in Ukraine, which is to allow the state to maintain a balance between the East and the West, and in fact strengthening the dependence, especially economic, on Russia. The new Electoral Ordinance (though it was expected to be beneficial for the democratization process) did not reduce the participation of oligarchs in the political life, but it changed the voting results. Politicians, chosen by citizens, have soon found themselves in the opposition’s ranks. The forced coalitions and the lack of a charismatic leader would eventually result in a deepening state’s weakness.

The change of the attitude of Ukrainians to Russia in the conditions of the anti-terrorism operation and humanitarian aid needs of population of Donbass region: the results of sociological researches

Author: Maxim Enin
Institution: Narodowy Uniwersytet Techniczny Ukrainy
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 139-164
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201608
PDF: siip/15/siip1508.pdf

The article describes the specific features of the new terrorism in the Donbass which has the support of Russia in the struggle for influence on the policy of Ukraine. The terrorist organizations on Donbass are specific territorial units. Using the concept ‘state’, focusing on the Orthodox faith and idea of ‘Russian world’ this terrorism has purpose to capture a new territory, intimidation and demoralization of Ukraine and the world community. In the context of anti-terrorist operation in the Donbass region we studied also the dynamic of changing the attitude of Ukrainians to Russia. From December 6 to December 15, 2014 the Kiev International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) conducted All–Ukrainian poll of public opinion. Deterioration of attitudes towards Russia is observed in all regions. At the same time for studying attitude of Russians to Ukraine the Levada-center in Russia from 23 to 26 January, 2015 conducted a survey on a representative selection for Russian.
The purpose of the second research is monitoring humanitarian aid needs of the residents of Donbass (Donetsk and Lugansk region). The research was conducted by the Kiev International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in December 2014 (the author of article is one of the organizers of this research). The humanitarian situation in Donbas has deteriorated during period from December 2014 to September 2015: increased number of respondents who estimate the situation of living conditions as unbearable in their localities. A significant share surveyed population (15%) would like to leave the localities of Lugansk and Donetsk region but they are not able. Despite a distress half of the residents of Donbass are optimistic and unite to help each other.

Uwarunkowania instytucjonalno-prawne wyborów samorządowych na Ukrainie w 2015 roku

Author: Liana Hurska-Kowalczyk
Institution: Uniwersytet Szczeciński
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6753-8989
Year of publication: 2019
Source: Show
Pages: 40-57
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20192104
PDF: npw/21/npw2104.pdf

Institutional and legal conditions of local elections in Ukraine in 2015

In this article the author analyzes the institutional and legal conditions of local “government” elections in Ukraine in 2015. Special attention is given to the determinants of formal elections to local government bodies. Indicates the specific nature of the local elections in 2015 (up today). The local elections in Ukraine in 2015 were held under the conditions of reforming local self-government. The main goal of the reform is the socalled decentralization. Local government reforms ensure the creation of associations of territorial communities of villages (cities, settlements). For the first time in the elections they took part association of territorial communities. In addition, the Ukrainian authorities have failed to conduct elections on the entire territory of the country. No votes were cast in Autonomous Republic of Crimea, due to the annexation of the peninsula by the Russian Federation in 2014. Elections to local self-government bodies were also not carried out in part of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, due to the ongoing armed conflict in Donbass since 2014.

Ukraine's Aspirations to the EU – Selected Socio-Political Conditions

Author: Kamila Rezmer-Płotka
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1458-5076
Year of publication: 2019
Source: Show
Pages: 59-75
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20192205
PDF: npw/22/npw2205.pdf

This article presents the selected key socio-political determinants of the pro-Union aspirations of Ukraine that were important for the condition of EU – Ukraine relations. The presented events and historical outline may be the basis for further reflection and evaluation of how Ukraine was undergoing the process of accession and was located at its different stages.

Zniekształcone tożsamości wieloetnicznej Ukrainy

Author: Lech Aleksy Suchomłynow
Year of publication: 2014
Source: Show
Pages: 119-134
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/em.2014.04
PDF: em/3/em304.pdf

Aktualnie wieloetniczną Ukrainę zamieszkuje ponad 110 narodowości w różnym stopniu zasymilowanych i przeważnie zrusyfikowanych, szczególnie na terenach południowo-wschodnich. Na terenach byłego ZSRR problem samoidentyfikacji Homo Post Sovieticus ściśle wiąże się z kwestią wielokulturowości i świadomego wyboru etnicznej przynależności. Pomimo nielicznych aktów prawnych Ukrainy, gwarantujących „wszystkim mniejszościom narodowym prawa autonomii narodowo-kulturalnej”, procesy rozwoju i odradzania tożsamości grup etnicznych są hamowane specyfiką zbiorowej świadomości Homo Post Sovieticus, która w dużym stopniu wyznacza społeczno-kulturowy system tego kraju na rozdrożu.

Internationalization of higher education in Ukraine: the case of national mobility and global scale cooperation

Author: Volodymyr I. Lugovyy
Author: Zhanneta V. Talanova
Author: Svitlana P. Shytikova
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 81-97
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/em.2017.02.04
PDF: em/7/em704.pdf

Przy użyciu nowych danych, w kontekście aktualnych tendencji, poddano analizie zjawisko umiędzynarodowienia szkolnictwa wyższego na Ukrainie pod kątem mobilności studentów i współpracy międzynarodowej, wskazując przede wszystkim na jego asymetrię. Polska, Niemcy i Rosja są priorytetowymi krajami dla ukraińskich studentów podejmujących studia wyższe za granicą (70% ukraińskich studentów uczy się w tych krajach). Polska stała się kluczową destynacją niedawno, a liczba studentów z Ukrainy gwałtownie wzrasta (ponad 33%). Największe grupy studentów zagranicznych na Ukrainie pochodzą z Azerbejdżanu, Turkmenistanu, Indii, Nigerii i Maroka (52%), podczas gdy jest tylko 8,1% studentów z krajów OECD, 2,9% z UE, 0,9% z G7 i prawie 14% z państw sąsiadujących. Gruzja zastąpiła Rosję wśród 10 głównych państw dostarczających studentów na Ukrainę. Całkowite poziomy eksportu i importu w szkolnictwie wyższym mierzone mobilnością studentów na Ukrainie są mniejsze w obu przypadkach niż 4/5%. Można również zauważyć zasadniczą dysproporcję w regionalizacji umiędzynarodowienia edukacji wyższej poprzez przypływ studentów na korzyść wschodnich i południowych części Ukrainy. Ogólny kontekst nauki języków obcych studentów międzynarodowych zmienił się ostatnio z dominacji rosyjskiego (57%) na dominację języka ukraińskiego (49%). Potwierdza się także wzrastająca tendencja do rozszerzania współpracy, w kontekście Europejskich Obszarów Szkolnictwa Wyższego i Badań, UE i państw partnerskich w obrębie programów Erasmus+ oraz Horizon 2020. Ostatnia modernizacja legislacyjna dotycząca szkolnictwa wyższego wzmacnia jego internacjonalizację na Ukrainie.

Legal Regulation of Professional Activities of a Journalist in the Context of Crimes Against Journalists

Author: Ihor Mytrofanov
Institution: Kremenchuk Mykhailo Ostrohradskyi National University
Author: Yevhenii Horlov
Institution: Cherepovets State University
Year of publication: 2019
Source: Show
Pages: 79-91
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201905
PDF: rop/2019/rop201905.pdf

The problem of legal regulation of professional activities of a journalist is relevant because the state and its law enforcement system, the state of law and order in the society as well as its moral values appear to the public as it is seen (or should be seen by their owners) by the mass media (hereinafter - the media). However, the real situation may differ significantly from how it is presented by the journalists. That is why their activity should be clearly regulated by law.

Prawosławie i katolicyzm na Ukrainie w latach 1989-2014 - podejście ilościowe

Author: Tadeusz Dmochowski
Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7609-6350
Year of publication: 2020
Source: Show
Pages: 36-60
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20202502
PDF: npw/25/npw2502.pdf

Orthodoxy and catholicism in Ukraine in 1989-2014 - a quantitative approach

The complex reality of religious and institutional situation in Ukraine (three orthodox churches; two catholic churches), imposed on ethnic relations, has a significant impact on the balance of power in Ukraine, reinforcing existing divisions: between Ukrainians and Russians, between west and east Ukraine, between Orthodox and Catholics. Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) is the most conservative force, with canonical and political ties (specially part of hierarchy) with Russia. It is the best organized religious structure in Ukraine with 12485 parishes and 10068 priests. Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Kyiv Patriarchate (4536 parishes and 3141 priests) and the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (1205 parishes, and 731 priests) are much more related to Ukrainian statehood and are supported by the Ukrainian state and the Ukrainian political parties on their road to autocephaly and canonical independence from Moscow Patriarchate. The most aroused nationalist forces (the All-Ukrainian Union “Svoboda”, Right Sector) are often associated with the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (3734 parishes and 2594 priests), the main supporter of the Ukrainian nationalism.

Tatarzy krymscy w geopolitycznej rywalizacji o Półwysep Krymski między Rosją a Ukrainą

Author: Michał Romańczuk
Institution: Uniwersytet Szczeciński
Year of publication: 2020
Source: Show
Pages: 101-119
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.66.07
PDF: apsp/66/apsp6607.pdf

Artykuł podejmuje tematykę związaną z pozycją Tatarów krymskich w geopolitycznej rywalizacji mocarstw o Półwysep Krymski. Region ten zamieszkiwany jest przez przedstawicieli różnych kultur, tradycji i narodowości, co ma swoje implikacje polityczne i społeczne. Celem artykułu jest analiza dziejów Tatarów krymskich na przestrzeni 100 lat - od tj. XX wieku do aneksji Krymu przez Federację Rosyjską w 2014 roku. Taki przedział czasowy pozwoli na przedstawienie analizy historycznej dziejów Tatarów krymskich w aspekcie społecznym, politycznym i ekonomicznym, w różnych formach państwowości od ZSRR po Ukrainę, a po aneksji Krymu - również Federację Rosyjską.

Internal Migrations from Crimea and Donbass after 2014 as Conflict-Triggering Factors in the Regions of Ukraine

Author: Oksana Voytyuk
Institution: University in Białystok
Year of publication: 2020
Source: Show
Pages: 154-173
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.67.09
PDF: apsp/67/apsp6709.pdf

The annexation of the Crimea and the war in Donbass resulted in intense migration flows from these areas to the non-conflict areas of Ukraine. Internally displaced persons (IPDs) in the initial phase of the conflict were mainly received by the neighbour regions bordering with the area affected by the conflict. The endless war in Donbass significantly affected the deterioration of the economic situation in Ukraine, which also influenced the attitude towards IDPs. The social attitude towards IDPs from Donbass was initially positive, but gradually changed into negative one, mainly in the eastern Russian-speaking regions of Ukraine. In the west of the country, the attitude was more positive. The main factor that could reduce the degree of tension in the society between IDPs and the receiving communities is the end of the war in Donbass, but as the situation of the conflict indicates, it cannot be finished quickly.

Language as an Element of Identity: Language of National Minorities in the Educational Systems of Belarus, the Czech Republic, Poland, and Ukraine

Author: Barbara Grabowska
Institution: University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2558-0294
Author: Łukasz Kwadrans
Institution: University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6102-2308
Year of publication: 2020
Source: Show
Pages: 43-59
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/kie.2020.04.03
PDF: kie/130/kie13003.pdf

Life in a culturally diverse environment and being a national minority member causes the socialization of young people to occur in more than one language. Language is not only a medium of culture but also a core element of identity. This article discusses the implementation of the right of national minorities to education in their languages. In Belarus, the Czech Republic, Poland, and Ukraine, there are national minorities of autochthonous character, along with schools with the language of a particular minority as the teaching language. The most developed and numerous network of schools operating in the official school system is in the Czech Republic. In Belarus and Ukraine, the legal possibility of opening and running minority schools was introduced several years ago. Not without significance is the functioning of parish schools, Saturday-Sunday schools, national or ethnic clubs. Apart from family, school is the basic place of learning the minority language, an important element of national identity. At school, learners deepen their cultural competences, within their national, majority group and European culture.

Significance of Citizens’ Political Culture in the Process of Democratization: A Case Study – Ukraine

Author: Vladyslav Myroniuk
Institution: Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin
Year of publication: 2020
Source: Show
Pages: 86-98
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.68.07
PDF: apsp/68/apsp6807.pdf

The beginning of the 1990s was a time of geopolitical transformations. The collapse of the Soviet Union led to formation of new states that entered the path of democratization, and Ukraine was not an exception. Despite almost 30 years of independence, Ukraine remains a weak democracy. The reason of that, along with other problems, are peculiarities of political culture of citizens. Notwithstanding, weakness of political culture could be changed into the greatest advantage in the process of maturing of democracy in Ukraine.

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