Ukraine

Russian Disinformation and Propaganda Campaign Justifying the Annexing of Crimea in 2014

Author: Oksana Voytyuk
Institution: Uniwersytet w Białymstoku
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6452-2893
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 125-145
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20233706
PDF: npw/37/npw3706.pdf

Russian Disinformation and Propaganda Campaign Justifying the Annexing of Crimea in 2014

On February 26, 2014, the Russian Federation annexed the Crimean Peninsula. Russia’s unlawful actions have been condemned in the international arena, but this has in no way changed the decision of the authorities in the Kremlin. In order to prove the legitimacy of the occupation of Crimea, the Russian Federation launched a disinformation and propaganda campaign aimed primarily at the internal arena, i.e. at the Russians. The aim of the article is to analyze selected statements by Vladimir Putin regarding the annexation of Crimea and to try to answer the question of whether disinformation and internal propaganda were effective in convincing Russians that the occupation of Crimea was an act of restoring historical justice. For the purposes of the article, research methods appropriate for international relations were used.

Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe wobec Rosji, Ukrainy i Białorusi w latach 2015–2019

Author: Tomasz R. Dębowski
Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9933-8911
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 192-211
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20233709
PDF: npw/37/npw3709.pdf

The Polish People’s Party towards Russia, Ukraine and Belarus in 2015–2019

Eastern policy is one of the most important areas of Polish foreign policy. It regards the countries (of the former Soviet Union), that do not belong to the Euro-Atlantic structures. In 2015, Law and Justice won the parliamentary elections in Poland. Witold Waszczykowski was assigned as the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and was replaced in January 2018 by Jacek Czaputowicz. The aim of the study is to find an answer to the question: what was the attitude of the Polish People’s Party to Russia, Ukraine and Belarus in 2015–2019 and what premises influenced its shape? A working hypothesis was adopted: “The Polish People’s Party in 2015–2019 opted for a partnership model of Poland’s relations with Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, shaped on the basis of pragmatic premises”. The time limit for the research covered the period from July 17th, 2015 to November 11th, 2019. The analysis of the collected material made possible to answer the question (contained in the introduction to the article), and also confirmed the validity of the adopted working hypothesis. Moreover, it showed that for the Polish People’s Party, matters concerning eastern policy were not the leading thread in the reflection on Polish foreign policy.

Chosen Aspects of Political Media Bias in Ukrainian Nationwide TV Channels (November 2020–April 2021)

Author: Robert A. Rajczyk
Institution: University of Silesia in Katowice
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2848-4775
Author: Grażyna Piechota
Institution: Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Cracow University
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0662-5074
Author: Volodymyr Lytvynenko
Institution: Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1156-105X
Author: Viktoriia Grydchyna
Institution: Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6092-8562
Author: Oleksandr Kantur
Institution: Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8351-6210
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 42-59
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2023.80.03
PDF: apsp/80/apsp8003.pdf

The main aim of the paper is to set up the level of media bias influence on the agenda of news programs in TV channels: 1+1, Ukraine, ICTV, Inter, Kanal 5, and UA: Pershyi. Two issues were taken into consideration: Joint Forces Operation in Donbas, and Ukraine and Russian Federation’s relations. Those stand for the socio-political division of the society in Ukraine before February 24, 2022. It was found that the agenda does not differ in terms of content, but in terms of gradation not dictated by political inclinations. Political partiality in displaying or refraining from publishing journalistic materials, in relation to the main axis of the socio-political division in Ukraine, did not occur in the analyzed period. It means that the agenda considered to be pro-Russian or pro-Ukrainian based on the provenance of their owners, is neither characterized by tonality bias (the evaluation of political actors), visibility bias (the salience of political actors), nor agenda bias (the extent to which parties address preferred issues in media coverage).

Between Moscow and Washington: information influences on early dialogue with NATO in Poland and Ukraine (1991–1994)

Author: Kyrylo Mieliekiestsev
Institution: Vasyl’ Stus Donetsk National University
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4931-9576
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 19-26
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/PPUSI.2023.02.02
PDF: pomi/9/pomi902.pdf

The research covers the early years of Ukraine’s and Poland’s cooperation in their bilateral relations in the context of building up security policies between the NATO and the CSTO in 1991–1994. Various information influences from state and non-state actors, internal and external, made it so the processes of the search for security guarantees ended up quite different between the two neighboring countries. Covering sources and literature that provide evidence for influences from sources such as the Kremlin, the non-lustrated “old guard” former Communist party functionaries in Ukraine, and the former opposition in Poland, the research shows how the two countries’ relations with the NATO differed, and why, though both countries joined the Partnership for Peace program at roughly the same time, Poland managed to start active Euro-Atlantic integration much earlier than Ukraine did. Using sources such as the text of the treaties, the establishing documents and legislature guidebooks of organization, public writings of diplomats and former policy makers, the research shows what exactly were the risks that the NATO assessed in the joining of former Eastern Bloc countries (with the unstated reasons for the small number of contacts of those countries with NATO in the 1991–1994 relevant to the West’s suspicion of post-Soviet intelligence and military), and which points of the first Ukraine-NATO proved “too much” for the former. Furthermore, Ukraine’s early success with the number of NATO exercises it partook in during the first years of the Partnership for Peace became an example to other Eastern Europe countries seeking better relations with NATO and defense sector reforms, including the Republic of Poland. The paper also highlights the tendencies of cooperation between Ukraine and the Republic of Poland in the context of NATO enlargement and the various aspects of Atlantic integration. The most important among them was cooperation in security and defense, both bilateral and within the framework of the NATO Partnership for Peace Program.

Mechanisms for the Protection of Ukrainian Refugees in the EU Member States

Author: Olha Ivasechko
Institution: Lviv Polytechnic National University
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2141-3309
Author: Yaryna Turchyn
Institution: Lviv Polytechnic National University
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9114-1911
Author: Teresa Astramowicz-Leyk
Institution: University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5881-2325
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 15-37
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20233801
PDF: npw/38/npw3801.pdf

The article considers the issue of the migration crisis of Ukrainian refugees to EU member states caused by Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. An elucidation was made as to the quantity of Ukrainian refugees taken in by European states since the Russia’s full-scale military invasion of Ukraine commenced. An analysis of forms of protection for individuals in the European Union is conducted, including refugee status and temporary protection. The legislation of refugee status in the EU is represented through the prism of the analysis of the Council Directive 2001/55/EC on temporary protection. The key difference between temporary protection and refugee status is defined. The key problems faced by European countries are highlighted; concurrently, the obstacles experienced by Ukrainian refugees are presented, namely, obtaining housing and employment. Special attention was paid to the issue of “fatigue” and exhaustion of social systems and ordinary citizens in EU countries. The authors present the results of the study on the mechanisms of providing protection and asylum to Ukrainian refugees in the EU. Furthermore, the 10-point strategy suggested by the European Commission to the European Council and the Justice and Home Affairs Council in order to support EU countries in their endeavor of admitting Ukrainian refugees has been duly given attention. The core research objectives revolve around the effectiveness of protection mechanisms for Ukrainian refugees in the EU, and any consequences said system may bring about for both the EU and Ukraine.

Forced Migration from Ukraine during the Russian-Ukrainian War: impact on the EU and Ukraine

Author: Alla Atamanenko
Institution: National University of Ostroh Academy
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4940-1625
Author: Mariia Avhustiuk
Institution: National University of Ostroh Academy
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9510-5715
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 38-59
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20233802
PDF: npw/38/npw3802.pdf

The full-scale invasion of Russia into Ukraine on February 24, 2022, which was accompanied by the violation of humanitarian law and the demolition of civilian infrastructure, has led to the emergence of forced migration. Millions of people left the country within a short period. On March 4, the EU Temporary Protection Directive was reactivated in response to the unprecedented flow of migrants from Ukraine. EU countries have opened their borders to migrants from Ukraine, providing them with shelter and assistance. Poland and its neighbouring states, such as Romania, Moldova, Hungary, as well as the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Germany, Austria, received the highest quantity of migrants. The wave of migration has had a noticeable influence on the functioning of labour markets and employment, even in those regions of Ukraine which have not been exposed to military activity. Comprehensive studies show that external migration, among other factors, will significantly affect the demographic situation in Ukraine due to the increase in the number of people who do not plan to return from abroad. A key factor in the crisis is the fact that the majority of these people is youth of employable age and children. Besides, educational migration from Ukraine to EU countries has also increased significantly. The influx of immigrants who have established themselves in the nations of the European Union have significantly impacted the labour markets of these countries, putting a considerable strain on the public funds of the host countries. The question of Ukrainian immigrants’ ability to engage in activities such as schooling (including access to educational opportunities for children), employment, residence, and healthcare in both the immediate and long-term future is coming to the fore. Ukrainian and international scholars alike have done numerous studies on external migration from Ukraine; nonetheless, the forced migration resulting from the full-scale military invasion of Ukraine has yet to be adequately examined. Subsequently, the article is intended to examine the displacement circumstances in Ukraine and the EU and to evaluate the consequence of compulsory external migration in Ukraine and the EU.

Non-governmental assistance to Ukrainian refugees by Polish society in the aftermath of the escalation of hostilities in 2022

Author: Katarzyna Maciejewska-Mieszkowska
Institution: University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1623-8788
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 117-136
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20233806
PDF: npw/38/npw3806.pdf

The full-scale war in Ukraine caused the largest refugee crisis in Europe after World War II. Poland was the initial destination for people fleeing the war, causing a rapid influx of several million refugees in just a few weeks. An unprecedented and rapid response of the Polish society in terms of providing assistance to refugees enabled the acceptance of those who decided to stay in Poland Social action that began at the local level and translated into commonly known non-governmental assistance provided the basis and impetus for fostering beneficial connections between Poland and Ukraine, not only on the state level, but especially within the respective populations. The purpose of the article was to explore the forms of assistance offered by the Polish society, the scope of aspects of the refugees’ lives it addressed, and how this was reflected in the mutual perception of Poles and Ukrainians. As a hypothesis, it was assumed that a direct involvement of the Polish society in helping refugees from Ukraine decreased over the course of a year of the full-blown war in Ukraine, with simultaneous high social support for the state’s systemic solutions in this regard. In order to verify the hypothesis, a combination of descriptive, analysis of existing data, comparative and statistical methods were employed.

Issues of national minorities in the policy of the Eastern Partnership

Author: Halyna Lutsyshyn
Institution: Lviv Polytechnic National University
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8434-071X
Author: Oleksandr Sokolovsky
Institution: Lviv Polytechnic National University
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0515-2367
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 137-150
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20233807
PDF: npw/38/npw3807.pdf

The peculiarities of implementing the policy of the EU’s Eastern Partnership Initiative in regards to protecting the rights of national minorities have been studied. The issue of national minorities in the EU is considered from the perspectives of security, democracy, and regional integration. Despite contemporary criticism of the EU’s Eastern Partnership Initiative, many initiatives aimed at protecting the rights of national minorities in the region have been implemented, thereby fostering intergovernmental cooperation. It is evident that Ukraine and Moldova are the most proactive in protecting the rights of national minorities amongst the Eastern Partnership countries. These countries have been granted the status of candidate for EU accession. Despite the Russian-Ukrainian war, Ukraine actively works on improving legislation in the field of ethno-policy. Particular emphasis is placed on analysis of the institutional structure of national minorities, communication pathways, and non-discriminatory policies in Eastern Partnership countries. Member states of the Eastern Partnership actively utilize “soft power” techniques through a network of minority organizations. It has been suggested that European integration of Ukraine and Moldova has generated considerable opportunities for the development of national minorities. Loosening of state borders has enabled national minorities to connect more deeply with their ethnic homelands, thereby transforming them into engaged participants of transborder cooperation and significant figures of regional policy. The Eastern Partnership furnishes a platform for minorities to assert themselves in decisions which pertain to their lives, execute grant initiatives, and take part in regional associations of minorities. Nevertheless, certain risks are highlighted, such as particular nations exploiting EU enlargement to tackle minority matters or manipulate minority rights. The EU has analyzed programs supporting national minorities, especially those implemented in the Eastern Partnership countries. While Eastern Partnership countries have developed their policies regarding national minorities, there are common problems faced by minorities in the region. Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, Azerbaijan, and Armenia are involved in conflicts, being former Soviet Union countries, and face numerous challenges concerning the functioning of the Russian minority, which is numerically significant in this region. It is stated that the EU cooperates with the Eastern Partnership countries on matters regarding national minorities, and it is crucial to develop innovative models for managing ethnic diversity, promoting the involvement of national minorities in making socio-political decisions and integrating them into society.

Bezpieczeństwo energetyczne Europy w kontekście rosyjskiej inwazji na Ukrainę

Author: Sergiusz Wasiuta
Institution: Uniwersytet Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3402-963X
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 171-195
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20233809
PDF: npw/38/npw3809.pdf

Europe’s Energy security in the context of Russian invasion on Ukraine

The article presents an objective vision of the causes, content and possible consequences of non-compliance with energy security for the EU or Western democratic countries in connection with Russian imperialism’s aggression against Ukraine as a manifestation of the resurgent colonial Soviet thinking and practice of conquering states and enslaving nations. The concept of energy security has relatively new roots. Intensification of research, attempts at its systemic conceptualization are still ongoing. The author takes a contemporary view of the goals, threats, instruments, and methods of implementation of the policy of energy independence of the EU, diversification of resources and suppliers, and politically assesses the consequences of the still not fully overcome model of supply of raw materials from Russia to the countries of Europe as a hybrid threat. The scientific point of view organically correlates with the civic position, the principles of transatlantic energy security policy and the democratic European vision of contemporary events.

Rola cyberprzestrzeni w wojnie Rosji z Ukrainą

Author: Agnieszka Warchoł
Institution: Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. KEN w Krakowie
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0786-6440
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 64-79
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20233904
PDF: npw/39/npw3904.pdf

The role of cyberspace in Russia’s war against Ukraine

The aim of article is to present the ways in which cyberspace has been used in Russia’s war against Ukraine. The article consists of several parts. The first deals with Ukraine’s preparations for potential Russian cyber attacks. In the second part, the author presents information on the use of cyberspace in the Russian-Ukrainian war. The last part presents possible scenarios for the use of cyberspace in wars in the future. The study used the following research methods: historical method, comparative analysis, literature analysis and criticism, source analysis and criticism, and case study.

Ukrainian and Russian Relations: An Analysis of the Post-Donbas Crisis

Author: Mukesh Shankar Bharti
Institution: Amity University, India
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3693-7247
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 43-57
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/CPLS.2023305
PDF: cpls/7/cpls705.pdf

The article aims to assess the relationship between Ukraine and Russia since the Donbas crisis. The regional rivalry between Ukraine and Russia has largely contributed to the instability of Eastern Europe. The article describes the concerns of the geopolitical game of influence between the West, led by the United States, and Russia. The article explores Ukraine’s eastern border conflict as a live myth-making process. The study used the empirical and theoretical literature to find the objectives of this research. This article outlines the objectives of the Donbas region crisis output, Ukraine and Russia relations, and the EU sanctions against Russia, comparing the expectations of the political, economic and cultural aspects. The new conflict between Ukraine and Russia validates a new kind of geopolitical adventurism and blurs both the territorial and imaginary borders of the Russian state. As a result, the Ukrainian eastern crisis in the Donbas region has highlighted the fragility of the Russian national identity and the incompleteness of the Russian administration.

Wojna w Ukrainie – przyczyny i skutki po ponad roku trwania

Author: Zbigniew Wiktor
Institution: Emerytowany prof. Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego
Year of publication: 2023
Source: Show
Pages: 30-59
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2023302
PDF: so/27/so2702.pdf

War in Ukraine – Causes and Consequences after More than a Year

The war in Ukraine has been going on for more than a year now and there is no indication that it will end soon. The causes of its outbreak are very complex. One of them was the victory of the counter-revolution and the collapse of socialism, followed by the collapse of the former Soviet Union in December 1991. At that time, fifteen independent republics were established to varying degrees – their disintegration took place not only ideologically and politically, but also economically. In many of them, nationalisms arose or were revived, including those based on religion, which included not only the main former union republics, but also numerous national minorities, particularly the Baltic states, the Caucasus, and the Volga region. Some of them turned into local wars. An important role in the disintegration of the countries of the former Soviet Union and the weakening of the Russian Federation was played by external forces, imperialist states, mainly the US, some European countries, NATO in general, and the rivalling with Russia European Union and other forces of international capital. The war in Ukraine has deeper causes, and in case of Russia’s defeat, it will have further adverse consequences for it as a great power, and may even become the beginning of its disintegration. Hence, the result is the full determination of the Russian ruling forces to achieve victory. At the same time, Ukraine enjoys the support of the entire „global West”, led by the US, NATO, and the European Union. The war was preceded by numerous growing contradictions and accompanying conflicts, which took the form of the ‚Orange Revolution’ in 2004, the so-called Revolution of Dignity and the Maidan coup, the declaration of independence by Crimea and the Donetsk and Luhansk Republics in 2014. It took another eight years for the conflict to escalate into a full-blown war, although Russia officially still defines it as a „special military operation”.

Zadania edukacji międzykulturowej w kontekście wojny w Ukrainie

Author: Jerzy Nikitorowicz
Institution: Uniwersytet w Białymstoku
ORCID: https://orcid. org/0000-0003-4371-8322
Year of publication: 2024
Source: Show
Pages: 17-29
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/em.2024.01.01
PDF: em/24/em2401.pdf

Tasks of intercultural education in the context of the war in Ukraine

The war in Ukraine initiated by the Russians makes one aware every day of the destruction of ideas and principles of peaceful problem solving developed over the years, and of the paradigm of cultural coexistence created in intercultural education. The aim of the article is to point out the need to undertake new tasks through intercultural education in the face of the ongoing war in Ukraine. Shaping a culture of peace, “making peace” has now become the leading task of intercultural education. The text points to the task of building on “good memory” as an opportunity and possibility of dealing with “bad memory”, the emancipation of national memories, the revitalization of heterology – the science of the Other, intercultural competences, the elimination of stereotypes and prejudices, one-sided negative and aggressive propaganda, etc. The article emphasizes the responsibility of intercultural education for creating the principles of democracy, revitalizing values symbolizing the common history with Ukraine, cooperation and collaboration in the process of functioning in European culture.

Mobilność młodych dorosłych z krajów Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej – polsko-czesko-słowacko-ukraińskie studium porównawcze

Author: Anna Szafrańska
Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9797-2591
Year of publication: 2024
Source: Show
Pages: 91-103
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/em.2024.01.06
PDF: em/24/em2406.pdf

Mobility of young adults from Central and Eastern European countries – a Polish-Czech-Slovak-Ukrainian comparative study

The young generation is treated as the future of society. This generation’s size, skills and knowledge, as well as economic activity, socio-cultural involvement, marital intentions and family (procreation) plans determine the quality of society. Thus, an important issue is the outflow of young people who decide to migrate abroad. It is therefore important to recognize both the current experiences and the life plans of the young generation in this field. In post-communist countries, the fall of the communist system had a major impact on the increase in mobility. Political, sociocultural and economic changes have contributed to the emergence of new migration-related phenomena and the so-called fluid migration, characterized by free movement of labour, massiveness, diversity and plasticity. The surveyed youth from Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia have experiences related to functioning within open borders, unlike the youth from Ukraine, where the borders are closed. Wioletta Danilewicz notices the existence of the so-called migration culture, i.e. the acceptance (by the participants of migration processes) that these are phenomena constituting an inherent element of their lives, despite their awareness of the unfavourable co-occurring elements. The research results presented in the text indicate that the surveyed young adults do not fully follow this trend.

„Przez zieloną granicę do raju”, czyli kilka uwag o książce Serhija Humennego „Uchodźcy. Nielegalne przekraczanie granicy polsko-sowieckiej w latach 1918–1939”

Author: Piotr Olechowski
Institution: Instytut Strat Wojennych im. Jana Karskiego
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4108-2682
Year of publication: 2024
Source: Show
Pages: 250-267
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso240209
PDF: hso/41/hso4109.pdf
License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the CreativeCommons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

“Through a green border to paradise”, or a few remarks on the book “Refugees. Illegal crossing of the Polish-Soviet border in 1918–1939” by Serhiy Humenny

This review article is a critical approach to Serhiy Humennes monograph published in the IPN Publishing House (Warszawa 2022, „Monografie” series, vol, 179, p. 166) concerning illegal migrations across the Polish-Soviet border in the Interwar period. In the course of reading, I have come across many errors of both substantive and technical and linguistic nature. I have also revealed a rather peculiar phenomenon of using an almost unchanged text four times for various purposes. On its basis, a masters thesis has been written, defended at the then Jan Długosz Academy in Częstochowa, published in the form of a subject monograph. In the meantime, however, the author slightly modified the content of the typescript and used it as the basis for conferring the degree of doctor of history at the Faculty of History of the Taras Shevchenko National University in Kiev. Once the dissertation has been successfully defended, a book published in Ukrainian has also seen the light of day

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