ZSRR

Stowarzyszenia społeczne w Federacji Rosyjskiej. Status prawny ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem ustaw o organizacjach wypełniających funkcję agenta zagranicznego i organizacjach niepożądanych na terytorium FR

Author: Magdalena Micińska
Institution: Kujawsko-Pomorska Szkoła Wyższa w Bydgoszczy
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 121-139
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.03.05
PDF: ppk/37/ppk3705.pdf

Social associations in the Russian Federation. Legal status with particular emphasis on laws on organizations fulfilling the function of a foreign agent and undesirable organizations on the territory of the Russian Federation

The aim of this article is the general characteristics of the legal status of associations in Russia. They include the origin of association movement, overview of current legal sources, basic terms, and discussion of selected regulations limiting the right to association, with particular emphasis on law of 20 July 2012 on organizations fulfilling the function of a foreign agent and law of 23 May 2015 on undesirable organizations on the territory of the RF. This paper also highlights the political aspect of the origin, shaping and transformation of the legal position of associations. The legal status of associations in Russia is always linked to the political situation in the country. Constitutional traditions of Tsarist and Soviet Russia were not conducive to bottom-up self-organization of society and only perestroika in the late 80s enabled unrestrained participation in public life. Currently in Russia, there are over 101 thousand registered social associations and undoubtedly it is a record number in the historical context. However, in order to maintain internal security against the growing threat of terrorism, as well as to the risk of the outbreak of the color revolution, in recent years Russia started to re-introduce significant restrictions on the freedom of association. The basic research method is the dogmatic analysis of the Constitution of the Russian Federation and selected federal laws. The issue discussed is rarely raised in Polish scientific publications. This paper constitutes an attempt to fill the gap in the subject literature aiming at contributing to the development of scientific knowledge in Polish-Russian comparative studies.

Polityka historyczna Federacji Rosyjskiej i Związku Radzieckiego wobec Polski na przykładzie opisu agresji ZSRR na Polskę w świetle narracji podręcznikowej

Author: Stanisław Boridczenko
Institution: Uniwersytet Szczeciński
Year of publication: 2019
Source: Show
Pages: 74-91
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.61.05
PDF: apsp/61/apsp6105.pdf

W niniejszym artykule omówiono rosyjską narrację historyczną w rodzimym szkolnictwie. Poruszony temat polega na badaniu polityki historycznej Federacji Rosyjskiej i Związku Radzieckiego. Uwagę skupiono na zawartym w podręcznikach Federacji Rosyjskiej oraz Związku Radzieckiego opisie 17 września 1939 roku. Podstawą analizy stała się szeroko zakrojona kwerenda, w trakcie której zanalizowano teksty obowiązujących od 1954 roku podręczników szkolnych. Główne uzasadnienie podjętej tematyki stanowi cieszący się popularnością w polskiej publicystyce dyskurs nawiązujący do polityki historycznej Rosji. Zgodnie z założeniem artykułu historyczna wiedza przekazywana w szkołach Rosji cechuje się starannym pomijaniem wątków związanych z radziecką agresją na Polskę.

Polska „wobec Rosji” w 1941 r. Nieznany memoriał Ksawerego Pruszyńskiego jako attaché prasowego ambasady polskiej w Związku Sowieckim

Author: Ariel Orzełek
Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5360-464X
Year of publication: 2019
Source: Show
Pages: 207-240
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2019.08
PDF: pbs/7/pbs708.pdf

Poland „towards Russia” in 1941. Unknown memorial of Ksawery Pruszyński as a press attaché of the Polish embassy in the Soviet Union)

Ksawery Pruszyński, one of the most talented Polish writers and publicists of the first half of the 20th century, underwent significant political evolution in his short life. His first articles unequivocally testified that he was an anti-communist, fiercely fighting all sympathy for Soviet policy, and at the same time an apologist of Józef Piłsudski and a spokesman for the Promethean concept. Pruszyński, a conservative, having respect for the Polish traditions of this movement, but seeking his new formula adequate to the requirements of modern times, and a spokesman for „superpower Poland” was at the same time a socially sensitive creator and reluctant to any dictatorship. This quarreled with his colleagues from the editorial staff of „Youth Rebellion” and led to the ranks of cautious apologists of the republican side fighting in the Spanish Civil War. However, he formulated the concept of the Polish-Soviet alliance against Germany, for which the price could be Polish eastern lands, and the prize - German eastern lands, only after the outbreak of the German-Soviet war. In 1941–1942 Pruszyński was a press attaché at the Polish embassy of the USSR. At that time he prepared the presented memorial, probably directed at the hands of Prime Minister General Sikorski, in which he wrote about the need to recognize the importance of the Russian factor in Polish politics. The text anticipated the article Towards Russia, published in 1942, in which the author has already ambiguously suggested the necessity of the assignment of Polish eastern territories in the name of correct relations. This caused a wave of criticism of the publicist, but he was more and more consistent in his views. This led him to return to Poland in 1945 and to accept the post-Yalta reality. He was not an ardent admirer, but he considered her the result of geopolitical realities. This, too, seems to have been the main reason for changing his views on the Soviet Union and communism – adopting hard policy rules as unchanging, perhaps colored by some social spell on Marxist radicalism. At the end of his life, Pruszyński held diplomatic functions. He died tragically in 1950 in a car accident, leaving unfinished texts and questions about the further fate of his views in the changing post-war conditions.

Przemiany niepodległościowe na Ukrainie w świetle polskiej publicystyki w latach 1988 – 1994

Author: Jacek Piotrowski
Institution: Absolwent Instytutu Historii i Archiwistyki Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
Year of publication: 2015
Source: Show
Pages: 306-331
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201517
PDF: siip/14/siip1417.pdf

Polish journalism towards the independence transformations in Ukraine in 1988 – 1994

Ukraine, as a prominent republic of the Soviet Union, and – after disintegration of the USSR – a sovereign country playing a significant role in the geopolitics of the Central Eastern Europe, has been an important object of Polish journalists’ interest. The analysis of the texts and comments in the Polish press between 1988 and 1994 about emancipation transformations in Ukraine and social, political and economic issues of this country in the first period of its independence leads to conclusion that the public discussion participants have had positive and corroborative attitude towards the emancipation of the Ukrainians. Providing opportunities and threats in achieving the actual and solid independence of that republic the commentators express their opinions carefully. As the main obstacles they stress the imperialist ambitions of Russia, the problem of maintaining the territorial integrity of the state, the economic crisis related to the collapse of the Soviet economy and the consequences of exercising power by the post Soviet party apparatus representatives. The publicists claim, the first period of Ukrainian’s independence closed the conversion of Ukraine to the integration with Russia.

Charakterystyka jednostki o charakterze autorytarnym (Erich Fromm), o osobowości autorytarnej (Theodor Adorno), o osobowości twardej (Hans Eysenck) oraz dogmatycznej (Milton Rokeach) i cechy wspólne dla tych konstruktów teoretycznych

Author: Paweł Przybytek
Institution: Badacz niezależny
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4694-6670
Year of publication: 2022
Source: Show
Pages: 322-358
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/cip202218
PDF: cip/20/cip2018.pdf

Characteristics of an authoritarian unit (Erich Fromm), with authoritarian personality (Theodor Adorno), with hard personality (Hans Eysenck) and dogmatic (Milton Romeach) and common features for these theoretical constructs

This article addresses the subject of Erich Fromm, Theodor Adorno, Hans Eysenck and Milton Rokeache theory characterizing personality particularly susceptible to the influence of authoritarianism, personality that combat democracy. In its first part there is the characteristics of these personalities, specifically authoritarian units (Erich Fromm), with authoritarian personality, hard personality (Hans Eysenck) and dogmatic (Milton Rozeach). The second part of this article is trying to find common features for these theoretical constructs. Mostly, however, it is a criticism of erroneous (in my opinion) thinking when creating these theories. I noticed that the creators of the majority of them not only describe personality types particularly susceptible to the influence of authoritarianism, but above all they condemn them. In practice, this comes down to attacking the extreme right. However, attention should be paid to several important issues that negate this attitude. With authoritarianism, only the right can be identified. The division of the right/left is not very sharp. In turn, authoritarianism does not always mean a lack of humanitarianism, intolerance, and persecution. Most of the above theoretical constructs indicate, in my opinion, it is wrong that the political features of a person acquire under the influence of the environment, the environment. However, they are not somehow inherited, genetically conditioned. In addition, I think that only a certain, smaller part of society has specific political views. And only among them there is a group of people with authoritarian tendencies. This part of a society that has unspecified political views can be a business – related political option, even authoritarian, if this option provides its benefits. The assumption that the political actions of society result from the internal features of individuals is another point with which it is difficult to (me) agree. In fact, the effectiveness of the ruling team decides.

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